Despite hotly-contested campaigning across many municipalities, less than half of the registered voters turned up to cast their ballots at the 2021 South African local elections. The poor delivery of essential services was cited by many as a reason. 



On November 1,&nbsp;South Africans gathered at polling stations&nbsp;set up&nbsp;in schools, churches and municipal buildings across the country&nbsp;to cast their votes in the 2021 local government elections, which determine the councils for all district, metropolitan and local municipalities in the country.&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; In&nbsp;Hitekani&nbsp;Primary School in&nbsp;Chiawelo,&nbsp;Soweto, South Africa’s oldest township and where&nbsp;South African President Cyril&nbsp;Ramaphosa&nbsp;of the ruling African National Congress&nbsp;later&nbsp;arrived to cast his ballot, primarily elderly voters&nbsp;stood in line&nbsp;in the bristling sun even as the suburb suffered power cuts&nbsp;– one of the key concerns highlighted by protestors&nbsp;in the area earlier in the day,&nbsp;perhaps because&nbsp;they&nbsp;were aware of where the President would cast his vote.&nbsp; &nbsp; A&nbsp;Reuters&nbsp;report says that “early results from South Africa’s local elections on Tuesday gave the ruling African National Congress (ANC) 46% of the vote, with results in from just over a quarter of polling stations nationwide”.&nbsp;



As results begin to trickle in&nbsp;– the final&nbsp;announcement&nbsp;is on November 4 –&nbsp;the Independent Electoral Commission&nbsp;(IEC)&nbsp;said&nbsp;that voter turnout stood at 8 million (the total number of registered voters is 26.2 million).&nbsp;&nbsp;



This is reportedly&nbsp;the lowest voter turnout since South Africa became a democracy.&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; “Service delivery!&nbsp;Service delivery!” chanted members in&nbsp;ActionSA&nbsp;t-shirts outside of&nbsp;the school, as&nbsp;Ramaphosa&nbsp;arrived to cast his own ballot&nbsp;amidst a massive security presence.&nbsp;As snipers&nbsp;watched&nbsp;from nearby rooftops,&nbsp;many&nbsp;in the crowd booed – as the president&nbsp;alighted from his&nbsp;vehicle –&nbsp;highlighting their&nbsp;dissatisfaction about being&nbsp;without running water or reliable electricity in the country, and the failure of their municipalities to deliver these services.&nbsp; &nbsp; While attempting to keep an optimistic outlook,&nbsp;Ramaphosa&nbsp;seemed to&nbsp;acknowledge&nbsp;the need to address these concerns, in particular, since many of the most poorly-run municipalities have fallen under the&nbsp;governance of the ANC.&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; “The least we can do is to go and explain to our people, and tell them why we are not able to do it [resolve issues]… I would like whoever wins to actually make sure that municipal service delivery is done differently from what we have done before,” said&nbsp;Ramaphosa&nbsp;at&nbsp;a press conference shortly after casting his ballot.&nbsp;&nbsp;



At the&nbsp;three polling stations&nbsp;that FORBES AFRICA&nbsp;visited, the voters were predominantly&nbsp;young – and&nbsp;anecdotal&nbsp;numbers indeed seemed&nbsp;to reflect the low voter turnout reported by the IEC.&nbsp;



“We want all these problems that we have to get better,” said one of the&nbsp;young registered voters&nbsp;to FORBES AFRICA, who did not want to be named. “I vote because I want things to be different.” When asked if&nbsp;many of their friends or peers had voted, they answered&nbsp;that none had.&nbsp;



While some voting stations were closed due to protest action and with&nbsp;reports of ballot shortages in some areas, these were few and far between and don’t account for the low turnout.&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; The IEC refused to speculate on the reasons for the&nbsp;apparently&nbsp;low numbers. “We would like at this stage to remain as scientific as possible,” said IEC Chairperson Glen&nbsp;Mashinini&nbsp;during a media briefing the night of the elections. “We still have to see and hear what observers have to say. It might&nbsp;be early stages for the Commission to make&nbsp;opinions and analysis&#8230; So it’s not that we’re not noting whether this raises matters of confidence or no confidence.”&nbsp;



Today, on November 2,&nbsp;state power utility Eskom announced unexpectedly the possibility of further electricity cuts, and the residents of&nbsp;Chiawelo&nbsp;remain without power.&nbsp;&nbsp;



&nbsp; “We know what the problems are,” said&nbsp;Ramaphosa. “The problems are clear. And we have said that this time round we want to correct what has not been going well.”&nbsp;

1 November 2021 FORBES (1 of 1)

South Africa’s Low Numbers At Local Polls Amid Voter Concerns

The first 100 days of any presidency are often harshly
scrutinized as they set the tone for what citizens expect. South Africa’s Cyril
Ramaphosa is under the magnifying glass as all await his next tactical move.



<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



At the end of May, South Africa’s sixth
democratically-elected president, Cyril Ramaphosa, took an oath of office at
Loftus Versfeld Stadium in Pretoria. In his speech, he touched on many issues
that resonate with South Africans, including corruption, poverty, equality and
youth unemployment. 



These burning matters prelude what is to be expected from
him in his first 100 days in office. 



Ramaphosa’s period at the helm of power (before the elections) has been typified by repeated calls for a ‘New Dawn’. It seems the man who made it to the 2019 Time magazine list of 100 Most Influential in the world has a laundry list of issues to attend to if he is to set the tone for the rest of his presidency. 



READ MORE | <a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label="IN PICTURES | Looking Back At The Vibe Of The South African Elections (opens in a new tab)" href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2019/06/03/in-pictures-looking-back-at-the-vibe-of-the-south-african-democracy/" target="_blank">IN PICTURES | Looking Back At The Vibe Of The South African Elections</a>



The challenge that has deeply affected how South Africans
and investors view the country is that of corruption.



“Let us forge a compact for an efficient, capable and
ethical state, a state that is free of corruption, for companies that generate
social value and propel human development… We must be a society that values
excellence, rewards effort and rejects mediocrity,” Ramaphosa said at his
inauguration on May 25.



&nbsp;In the first 100
days, analysts say he needs to demonstrate he is a proactive leader; one who
takes decisive action to address the plight of those who live in a society as
unequal as South Africa. The gaping chasm between the richest and poorest has
widened since the end of apartheid 25 years ago. This information is not lost
on citizens whose lived experiences and disenchantment were in evidence during
the elections.



A specialist in social economic development and political commentator, Kim Heller, is of the view that Ramaphosa has some way to go to address the resolutions of his party, the African National Congress (ANC).



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">&nbsp;“There are critical social maladies that need to be treated with the urgency they deserve… One of the key things people are looking for is a decisive man and decisive leadership,” she says.</blockquote>



Political analyst, Prince Mashele, ventures: “He is yet to
act on resolutions because he is navigating complex political infighting in the
ANC, which is why he can’t move boldly and faster…” 



Economic transformation has been seen to also imply
redistribution of the means of production, which currently has been reiterated
in the call for land redistribution without compensation. This is among the
duties citizens and investors will keep a close eye on as it is a contentious
matter.



Leading up to the elections, Ramaphosa said to apprehensive
farmers, “the land reform process is something we should never fear. It is
going to be done in terms of the constitution”. 



Heller says that, “the question of land is unresolved,
despite very solid ANC resolutions from branches, and despite extensive
consultation”. 



The president will to have to choose whether he wants to be investor-friendly or whether he wants the interests of his own political party to find expression in policy. 



“The investors have become the supreme branch of the ANC. So
Ramaphosa certainly, is spending a lot of time on their concerns rather than
ordinary people&#8230;,” Heller says.



READ MORE | <a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label="Poll Position: The South African 2019 Elections (opens in a new tab)" href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/big-shots/2019/05/07/poll-position-the-south-african-elections/" target="_blank">Poll Position: The South African 2019 Elections</a>



Mashele echoes: “He has been a market-friendly president. He
has railed against his comrades calling for the nationalization of the [South
African] Reserve Bank”.



Another matter influencing investment into the country is
red tape that inhibits instead of encouraging business. South Africa dropped
from 34 out of 181 countries on the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business ranking
in 2009 to 82 out of 192 countries last year, leaving the country trailing its
African peers, including Mauritius (20), Rwanda (29) and Kenya (61).



In his address to the nation, Ramaphosa continued with the
mantra thuma mina (which means ‘send me’) and committed to continue to build
South Africa. In his rebuilding, he will have to take a closer look at the factors
that infringe on those looking to conduct business while straddling the line in
ensuring that (natural) resources are not further depleted while failing to
trickle down to those who need it the most. 



Heller is of the view that the expectations created by the
president serve as a double-edged sword: “Some quarters have built him up to be
the Messiah we have all been waiting for. He may have embraced that but it’s
actually going to damage him. Because there is no individual who can save this
country without looking at doing serious things in terms of economic
restructuring… Until we address structural issues in this country, shifting the
economy to favor ordinary people, not markets, we actually aren’t very
benevolent.”



Also affecting business has been the view that South Africa is amongst the most corrupt on the continent and viewed as one of the murder capitals of the world. The Zondo Commission has illustrated the stark reality of the malfeasance the president will have to address to change these perceptions and in so doing, hold high-profile individuals accountable.



READ MORE | <a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label="Ticking The Right Boxes: Will The South African Elections Come Down To The Wire? (opens in a new tab)" href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2019/04/30/ticking-the-right-boxes-will-the-south-african-elections-come-down-to-the-wire/" target="_blank">Ticking The Right Boxes: Will The South African Elections Come Down To The Wire?</a>



&nbsp;In line with building
an equal society, the president made mention of the prevalence of violence
against women at his inauguration. 



“Let us end the dominion that men claim over women, the
denial of opportunity, the abuse and the violence, the neglect, and the
disregard of each person’s equal rights. Let us build a truly non-racial
society, one that belongs to all South Africans, and in which all South
Africans belong. Let us build a society that protects and values those who are
vulnerable and who for too long have been rendered marginal,” Ramaphosa said.



Leading up to the resolution of the president’s first 100
days in office, the public is watching with bated breath.&nbsp; 



“I pity him. He’s made big promises on housing and
unemployment. Those are not going to magically change overnight. The problem
with South Africa is that we love martyrs and here we have a president that we
have martyred and who is actually going to fall on that. To replace one man
with another, is not going to replace problematic policies, poor implementation
and poor conceptualization of economic solutions. So I think in the next 100
days, I don’t expect to see anything unless the fundamentals are changed,”
Heller says.&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;



No doubt, it is going to take a concerted effort from all
institutions, including those that have been revealed to be compromised. The
first 100 days will certainly determine the rest of the president’s term in
office.

gettyimages-1146169429-594×594

‘South Africans Love Martyrs’

FORBES AFRICA’s photojournalists immortalize the tension and elation of the South African elections in May that saw the African National Congress win for the sixth time since 1994.



<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



In what was a landmark 25 years since the first democratic
elections, South Africa registered, voted and elected the African National
Congress (ANC) for the sixth time to govern the nation again for the next five
years. The 2019 elections saw many surprises and plenty more political action
compared to the previous polls.



&nbsp;In the run-up to
election day, political parties (48 in all) emphasized the country’s
socio-economic challenges such as unemployment, education, housing and the
contentious issue of land expropriation. &nbsp;



On May 8, the day the country cast its vote, voters woke
early to congregate and line up at the 22,924 voting stations strewn across the
country. 



<div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="410" height="556" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40745" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png.png 410w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png-300x407.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png-221x300.png 221w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 410px) 100vw, 410px" /><figcaption> FORBES AFRICA’s photojournalists immortalize the tension and elation of the South African elections in May that saw the African National Congress win for the sixth time since 1994. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla</figcaption></figure></div>



I was among them, a citizen also doubling as a
photojournalist on the quest to document this historic election, my camera
strapped around my neck and my constant companion.&nbsp; 



This Wednesday morning was particularly cold but voters were
in sweaters and armed with their identity books to have a say in South African
politics with an ‘X’ mark on the ballot paper. 



Mmusi Maimane, the leader of the opposition party, the
Democratic Alliance (DA), was among those at the Presbyterian Church in
Dobsonville, Soweto; the township where he was born.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="929" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40741" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png.png 929w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 929px) 100vw, 929px" /><figcaption> Mmusi Maimane, the leader of the opposition party, the Democratic Alliance. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



His arrival created a frenzy as international and local
media wrestled with each other for the perfect shot. 



After casting his vote and walking out of the church, he
addressed the public. 



“On such a historic day, it is important to vote in Soweto
with the people of Soweto to express hope and a future for our country. Soweto,
to me, represents the home of where the struggle is and now we’re entering into
a new struggle for jobs for many South Africans. I remember, vividly and well,
when I played in these streets and I remember too well the release of Nelson
Mandela, therefore today, I urge that we come and cast our votes,” Maimane
said.



He spoke about the new struggle.



“To me, there could be nothing more special, nothing more
historic than being able to express our future. Vote for the future of this
country and for the unemployed South Africans; it’s a new struggle and we are
fighting for the protection of freedom and advancement of freedom.”&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 



Post the election results, Maimane was the first DA leader
to not have grown more supporters, whereas the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF),
with the third highest number of votes, gained more in all South African
provinces except the Northern Cape. 



A few kilometers from Dobsonville is Mzimhlophe Hostel. A
hostel among many others in Soweto that erupted with service delivery protests
prior to the elections. On election day, it was more peaceful and locals were
going about their daily lives.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="923" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40742" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png.png 923w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-300x201.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-600x401.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-768x513.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 923px) 100vw, 923px" /><figcaption>Kwenzi Gwala standing outside what is left of his shack. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



In the same vicinity is a squatter camp (informal
settlement) allegedly set on fire weeks before the elections. 



Residents and brothers Mduduzi (32) and Kwenzi Gwala (22)
came to Johannesburg looking for employment.



“This is my first time voting this year; I wish the economy
could strengthen so we can move out of the squatter camps and live in houses.
Our camp burned around the Easter holidays while we were at church. We used to
sell African beer and our stock got burned along with the money and clothes
that were inside. All we have is what we are wearing now,” Kwenzi says. 



About 12 kilometers away was where national president and
president of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa cast his vote in his hometown of Chiawelo,
at a local primary school. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="925" height="615" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40743" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-600x399.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-768x511.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /><figcaption> National president and president of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa cast his vote in his hometown of Chiawelo. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



The supporters of various parties, the media and voters were
out in full force to witness their president in Soweto.



“The nation and the people are energized. They can see their
votes are heralding a new dawn. This is a vote that reminds me of 1994 when the
people were just as excited as this because they were heralding a new period, a
new future for our country,” said Ramaphosa. 



“Today, this is what I am picking up, our people are excited
about what lies tomorrow and they want to vote for a government that is going
to serve them, that is going to address their needs and aspirations. So, I am
truly humbled by the turnout that I’ve seen here. 



“There is a great vibe and it’s a vibe for democracy, it’s a
vote also for our democratic system that we’ve been building over the last 25
years. So, 25 years later, we still have a nation that is breathing confidence
and excitement casting their vote. Today, I will go home to sleep very peacefully
like I did last night. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="929" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40744" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png.png 929w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 929px) 100vw, 929px" /><figcaption>Brother of South African journalist Shiraaz Mohamed, kidnapped in Syria on January 2017, begs for government intervention. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



“This vote is about confidence, it is about the future and
it is about us that are going to be elected to work a lot harder, much harder
than we have in the past to realize the ideals, wishes and hopes of our people,
so this, to me, is like a rocket booster for democracy and we are going to
build a great country because we will be doing so standing on the shoulders of
our people,” Ramaphosa said. 



Like the DA, the ANC lost more supporters nationally; Gauteng province was the gold prize, for the first time since 1999, the ANC had to battle to remain above 50% to secure the province.



&#8211;Motlabana Monnakgotla







<h2 class="wp-block-heading">Thumbs Up In&nbsp; Vibrant
Yeoville</h2>



The grey, gloomy weather did not dampen the excitement as
South African citizens, young and old, made their way to their respective
voting booths on May 8. 



First-time voters enthusiastically posted images of their
thumbs on social media after their turn polling. Twenty five years
post-apartheid, they did what voters in 1994 could not – flaunt their inky
fingers to the world.&nbsp; 



This year marked the sixth democratic elections since the
fall of racial segregation.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="931" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40752" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1.png 931w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-768x509.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 931px) 100vw, 931px" /><figcaption> Members of South Africa&#8217;s three biggest parties show unity during the South Africa 2019 elections. Picture: Gypseenia Lion</figcaption></figure>



When former President Nelson Mandela’s handcuffs were
removed, a nation was freed from years of brutal laws that marginalized people
of color in South Africa. 



As a young ‘colored’ woman born in 1995, there’s another
layer to my identity as a ‘born-free’ citizen. 



I use the terms ‘colored’ and ‘born-free’ loosely, only
because of the numerous socio-cultural connotations attached to my identity. 



<div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="410" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40747" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png.png 410w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png-300x451.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png-199x300.png 199w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 410px) 100vw, 410px" /><figcaption> The South African flag could be seen everywhere during the 2019 South Africa elections. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure></div>



On May 8, I joined the scores of people from the lively Yeoville
suburb, once a cosmopolitan source of pride, but now largely associated with
crime and discord in Johannesburg. 



As a lone female photojournalist in one of the notorious
parts of the inner city, I found myself in the cold with a groveling stomach,
and without a cent to my name. 



The 1970s had seen Yeoville come alive as night clubs and
art and music galleries opened up along the neighbourhood’s main commercial
strip of Rocky Raleigh Street. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="926" height="616" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40748" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png.png 926w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-300x200.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-600x399.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-768x511.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 926px) 100vw, 926px" /><figcaption> Police officer survey elections in Yeoville. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



This was before the tightening of segregation policies. Under
apartheid, members of the community were strong supporters of the ANC and
mobilized around the organization when it had been officially banned. 



ANC stalwart Joe Slovo has his political roots in the
community. 



Yeoville’s political scene, just like the culture, was one
of the most vibrant in South Africa in the 1980s. 



It still is today, and on election day, it was even more
apparent as the top three contesting parties gathered outside the Yeoville
Recreation Center. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="926" height="618" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40749" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png.png 926w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-300x200.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-600x400.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-768x513.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 926px) 100vw, 926px" /><figcaption> A man who identifies as a feminist gets ready to cast his vote. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The ANC, EFF and the DA were set up in front of the voting
station.&nbsp; 



The corner was filled with people singing and dancing to
struggle songs. 



Laughter and playful disputes broke out between party
members, and when a passer-by showed concern, an ANC comrade responded with a
trite: “We are a family here, no one is fighting.”&nbsp; 



As voting came to an end, light peeked through the clouds,
even as the crowd continued to sing, this time, more enthusiastically. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="925" height="614" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40750" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /><figcaption> The Yeoville community showed unrivalled hospitality and fed the reporter. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The light, for them, was the ray of hope that their ‘X’
marks brought. 



On this day, there was no crime or chaos. The community
showed me unrivalled hospitality and fed me the whole day. 



Water, a chair or anything I needed for comfort was only a
request away. 



My camera loved them and they returned the love. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="927" height="613" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40751" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png.png 927w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-300x198.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-600x397.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-768x508.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 927px) 100vw, 927px" /><figcaption> Yeoville residents get ready to cast their votes. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The future is questionable but for the people of Yeoville,
tomorrow is just another day filled with struggle. 



I returned to the office with a full stomach and a newfound love for a place I was initially apprehensive about.



-Gypseenia Lion

IN PICTURES | Looking Back At The Vibe Of The South African Elections

It has been argued by many that the 2019 general election is going to be a watershed election. In other words, it is going to be the most competitive election since the advent of democracy in 1994. 



While this assumption may have been closer to reality before the resignation of Jacob Zuma as president of the Republic of South Africa in February 2018, I would not be surprised if the performance of the African National Congress (ANC) defied these expectations. 



For me, the irony is that it is Cyril Ramaphosa, one of the weakest leaders in the history of the ANC, who may pull the ruling party away from the electoral calamity Zuma’s ignominious presidency would have inflicted on the ANC, had it survived beyond 2018. 



A further irony lies in the fact that Ramaphosa is not only a lame-duck ANC leader who cannot govern without the consent of his opponents in the ruling party, but is also the head of a ‘new dawn’ project that has, to a large degree, become the ‘new yawn.’ 



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Contrary to expectations, the election of Ramaphosa as president of both party and country has not alleviated the image crisis of the ANC. In some ways, the gap between the ideals of the ANC and what the party has become is wider despite the (sometimes bellicose) calls and promises of unity and self-correction by many a party leader. 



At leadership level, the ANC remains divided and factionalized. Evidence that is being led in the different commissions of inquiry paints a picture of a former liberation movement whose members and leaders have become quite adept at things venal and corrupt. 



The ANC has become a metaphor for rent-seeking, state capture and the poor service delivery of the local state. 



In short, because of the state of the ruling party, the ANC should be trounced in these elections. Given the hollowness and shallowness of the alternatives, the ANC will suffer contractions in electoral support but will not lose power at national level. 



Put differently, notwithstanding the gap between the procedural and substantive aspects of our democracy, the levels of substantive uncertainty in our electoral politics will improve but will remain relatively low. 



In other words, despite the gap between what our constitution’s promises, on the one hand, and what our democracy actually delivers, on the other, the contractions the ANC will suffer in the May 8 elections will probably be felt more at provincial level than at national level. Why?



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">First, according to recent polls, Ramaphosa’s approval rating, which is at about 55%, is not only higher than that of the ruling party but is also higher than that of the leaders of the main opposition parties. </blockquote>



This means that, despite the dismal state of qualitative decline of the ruling party at a leadership, intellectual, moral and strategic level, and despite Ramaphosa’s own subjective weaknesses as a leader, his approval rating will pull the ANC up. 



What will save the ANC, therefore, is the fact that its internal crisis is a subset of the broader crisis in our politics. 



Therefore, in addition to the Ramaphosa factor, the ANC will be saved from significant shifts in electoral support by the generalized crisis in our politics as well as the credibility deficit that has become one of the defining features of the political class of our country. In this regard, the state of opposition politics is instructive. 



A cursory look at the state of the official opposition, the Democratic Alliance (DA), tells the story of a party that is at sixes and sevens. The sociology and political economy of race in South Africa remains an unshakable albatross around the necks of the DA and its first black leader, Mmusi Maimane. 



Many, if not most, black voters still regard the DA as a racist party of whiteness, white capital and white interests. Objectively, it may not be true that the DA is a party of white minority interests. 



What matters, though, in electoral politics are the subjective perceptions of voters. As long as black voters continue to see the DA as a white party, the inroads the party makes into the traditional support base of the ANC will not be enough to dislodge the ANC as the ruling party. 



In my view, the DA is not a white party. It is a majority black party of white minority interests. 



Despite the fact that, under the tutelage of its former leader, Helen Zille, it succeeded in increasing its black membership and support, I still maintain that racism is not a dynamic that is completely external to the party. 



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Also, I still contend that its ambivalence towards policy measures such as Black Economic Empowerment, affirmative action, land reform and employment equity despite the fact that, rhetorically, it now accepts that race remains a key indicator and predictor of disadvantage in South Africa, is a function of its colonial and paternalistic mindset. 



In addition, the DA will continue to perform below the levels desired by its leaders as long as black voters continue to regard Maimane as a puppet of white interests. 



I don’t share the view that Maimane is a puppet but do believe that there are too many in the party who see themselves as ventriloquists because of the colonial and paternalistic mindset of their whiteness, which I allude to above. 



My expectation, therefore, is that the DA is not going to breach the 30% threshold of which it has been desirous for some time. In fact, it will probably improve on its 2014 performance but may not reach 25%. 



If this happens, Maimane will be removed as party leader before or at the next Federal Congress of the party because of his failure to preside effectively over the DA’s internal racial policy and ideological tensions. If the black caucus of the party remains strong, Maimane will be succeeded by a black leader. 



Otherwise, his successor will be a white man. On the other hand, if the turnout of ANC voters is critically low and a sizable number of those who turn up vote for the DA and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), this scenario may not eventuate. 



Will the EFF benefit from the DA’s divisions at a racial, ideological and policy level?



The tragedy of South African politics is that it still does not have a political culture of strong opposition and the alternation of power between political parties despite the plurality of choices available to voters. 



By so saying, I am not aligning myself with the narrow and conservative conceptions of democratic consolidation which liberal democratic theorists always try to impose on the intended beneficiaries or victims of western modernity outside Europe and America. 



All I am saying is that single party dominance has been part of South African politics since 1948. The National Party was the ruling party from 1948 until 1994, and the ANC has been in power since 1994. The ANC will be in power, probably with a reduced majority, after the May 8 general election. 



The EFF will probably do better at provincial than at national level. We must not rule out the possibility that the ANC may lose power in Gauteng. Its own internal research suggests that it will fall below 50% in this province if it does not mount a serious effort. 



In the scenario, the EFF will be part of a coalition government in Gauteng because no party is likely to win an outright majority. Whether the ANC will be part of such a coalition government, in this scenario, will depend on the size of its relative majority if it does win such a majority. 



The EFF will put up a strong challenge in the North West province where it has strong support, and ANC support is dwindling. 



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">Therefore, we cannot rule out the possibility that the EFF, on its own, or together with other parties, will dislodge the ANC in this province. </blockquote>



In the Limpopo Province, where, as is the case in the North West, the EFF is the official opposition, it will either dislodge or come very close to dislodging the ANC as the ruling party. 



At national level, the EFF has a problem. Its messaging resonate with many in the ANC support base. The problem is that the majority of voters do not believe the EFF is fit to govern. Therefore, I expect the EFF to improve on the 6% it garnered in 2014 and settle just below, or above, 10%.



Will this election deliver change? If it does, it will not do so significantly. Ramaphosa’s subjective weaknesses and limitations as a leader will show up much more strongly after the general election. His inability to make tough choices will become more apparent, with his disciples describing him as the consummate player of ‘the long game’. He will still not be able to govern without the consent of his opponents in the ANC.



-Aubrey Matshiqi is a Financial Mail rated political analyst for the second year in a row. He is also one of South Africa’s most in-demand speakers on the subject of the political state of the nation. 



-Opinions expressed by Forbes Africa contributors are their own Ticking the right boxes: Will the elections come down to the wire?

Tag: south african elections

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