In a surprising turn of events, Botswana’s President Dr Mokgweetsi E.K Masisi conceded defeat after the country rejected its longest-serving governing party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) in the parliamentary elections held on October 30.



As per <a href="about:blank">reports</a>, Masisi’s conceding came in hours before the final results were announced. The BDP, which has governed the southern African country since 1966, stood at fourth place in the polls.



Voters took to the ballot across the diamond-rich country as Masisi, who has been President since 2018, sought to be re-elected for a second and final term in office.



The country has had its share of economic challenges.



Insights by <a href="https://www.coface.com/news-economy-and-insights/business-risk-dashboard/country-risk-files/botswana">Coface </a>(global provider of trade credit insurance, business information and debt collection) indicate long-standing issues of inadequate infrastructure (water and electricity production and distribution) and high unemployment rates, particularly among the youth – of about 23.4% in 2023. In 2022, the poverty rate was also relatively high at 14.5%.



Reverend Prince Dibeela, a political activist and President of the Botswana Labour Party, told AP News that this is the first time in more than four decades that “the state coffers are negative”.



“There are also more than 200,000 young people who are employable but cannot find work. We are a very fragmented society.”



“I will respectfully step aside and participate in a smooth transition process ahead of inauguration,” Masisi told a press conference on Friday in the country’s capital Gaborone. “I wish to congratulate the opposition on their victories and concede the elections. I am proud of our democratic processes and I respect the will of the people.”



Duma Boko, President of Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), emerged victorious in what has been described an overwhelming lead in the election. A lawyer by profession, taking part in the elections for the third time, Boko had continuously urged voters to stay at voting stations.



&#8220;Counting centres remain places of further rigging and we should not let up. Do not leave the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) and police officers with boxes (ballot) during breaks. We will celebrate once the job is complete, not now. It is not over yet until the final ballot is counted,&#8221; he said in a statement, according to News24.



“We got it wrong big time in the eyes of the people,” Masisi told the press. “We were really convinced of our message. But every indication, by any measure, is that there’s no way that I can pretend that we’re going to form a government.”



Masisi said in an <a href="about:blank">audio</a> with Boko that he will start the process of a handover tomorrow, “and you can count on me to always be there to provide whatever guidance you might want.”



State television reported results showed that from 55 of the 61 constituencies up for grabs, the UDC won 32 seats in parliament.

BOTSWANA-VOTE

Masisi Concedes Massive Defeat: Boko Wins In Landmark Botswana Election Ending 58 Years Of BDP Rule

South Africa is on the brink of a historic electoral shift as it prepares for the general elections set for May 29. President Cyril Ramaphosa&#8217;s announcement of the election date, coinciding with the country&#8217;s 30th anniversary of democracy, marks a critical juncture for the African National Congress (ANC) and the nation&#8217;s evolving political landscape.



The ANC, having dominated South African politics since the end of apartheid in 1994, faces a significant test as polls suggest a decline in its popularity among voters. Marisa Lourenço, a seasoned political and risk analyst, points out to FORBES AFRICA, &#8220;Even if the ANC drops below 50% of the total vote share, it will almost certainly remain the largest party in parliament.&#8221; This potential shift towards coalition governments at the national level raises questions about service delivery and governance stability.



Lourenço warns of the challenges posed by coalition politics, citing the local level&#8217;s chaos as a possible precursor to what could unfold nationally. &#8220;But I don’t expect things to be quite so bad at the national level,&#8221; she adds, suggesting that the ideological similarities between the ANC and the Democratic Alliance (DA) might offer a silver lining for governance stability.



The recent compulsory release of documents related to the ANC&#8217;s cadre deployment policy has stirred controversy, revealing the party&#8217;s strategy for placing political appointees across government levels. Lourenço argues that the focus should be on the message, not the messenger, as it exposes the depths of kleptocracy within South Africa&#8217;s judiciary. &#8220;Proof of the attempt to capture the judiciary is the single largest event post-1994 that indicates that not all is well in democratic South Africa,&#8221; she asserts, questioning the readiness of South Africans to confront these revelations.



The timing of Ramaphosa&#8217;s election date announcement, deemed unusual by some due to its proximity to the budget speech, is strategic according to Lourenço. She believes it served to distract from the cadre deployment controversy and focus on the importance of voting, amidst the ANC&#8217;s attempts to leverage its liberation movement legacy to maintain support.



Furthermore, the emergence of new political parties, including the MK party endorsed by former President Jacob Zuma, introduces additional dynamics into the election. However, Lourenço views Zuma&#8217;s influence as limited, particularly on a national scale. &#8220;His message resonates in KwaZulu-Natal, but he doesn’t have a wider national pull,&#8221; she explains, downplaying the potential impact of Zuma&#8217;s political maneuvers on the broader election outcome.



As South Africa approaches these pivotal elections, the ANC&#8217;s dominance is challenged not only by internal factionalism and national issues such as power cuts and unemployment but also by the evolving political landscape marked by the emergence of new parties and coalition possibilities. The public&#8217;s response to these developments, informed by statements from political figures like Ramaphosa and analyses from experts like Lourenço, will shape the future of South Africa&#8217;s democracy and governance.



Reflecting on the 30th anniversary of democracy, this election is not just a procedural event but a moment of introspection for the nation. The ANC&#8217;s historical significance and its role in the anti-apartheid movement have afforded it a longstanding majority. However, the current political climate, characterized by public dissatisfaction with service delivery and economic challenges, suggests a potential reconfiguration of power dynamics.



Coalition governance, while a new concept at the national level, offers a glimpse into the possible future of South African politics. The experiences at the local government level, though mixed, highlight the complexities of shared governance. Analyst Lourenço emphasizes that while coalitions can introduce policy inertia, the ideological proximity of the ANC and DA may mitigate some governance risks. &#8220;The two largest parties in parliament – at the moment, and almost certainly after the upcoming elections – are the ANC and the DA, and ideologically they are very similar, which is a plus for overall stability in governance,&#8221; she explains.



Public statements from political leaders like Ramaphosa, urging democratic participation and peaceful campaigning, alongside analyses from experts, highlight the significance of these elections not just for governance but for the very fabric of South African democracy. &#8220;International experience shows that employees with critical skills contribute to improved productivity, enhanced innovation,&#8221; Ramaphosa noted in his newsletter, signaling the strategic importance of this electoral moment.



As South Africa stands at this crossroads, the 2024 elections offer a chance to reflect on the journey since the end of apartheid, evaluate the successes and shortcomings of the ANC&#8217;s governance, and decide on the path forward. The potential for coalition governments, the impact of new political parties, and the electorate&#8217;s response to current challenges will not only determine the immediate future of the country but also set the tone for South Africa&#8217;s democratic and governance landscape for years to come.

South African President Ramaphosa Briefs The Media On Voters Registration Weekend

South Africa’s Pivotal Polls: The Country Will Vote On May 29  

Amidst growing speculation of his presidential ambitions, businessman and former activist Roger Jardine has unveiled his political platform, Change Starts Now, in Johannesburg, signaling a new chapter in his career and a potential shift in the country&#8217;s political dynamics.



The South African political landscape is undergoing a significant shift with the introduction of Change Starts Now, a new political platform launched by businessman Roger Jardine, also the former Chairman of financial services provider FirstRand. This initiative emerges at a time when the country grapples with critical issues such as loadshedding, rampant youth unemployment, and the need for substantial societal and anti-corruption reforms.



At the heart of Jardine&#8217;s message during the party’s launch in Riverlea yesterday, his hometown south of Johannesburg, is a critique of the African National Congress (ANC). His departure from the ANC, a movement deeply rooted in his family&#8217;s history, signifies a broader sentiment of dissatisfaction and the need for change in governance. Jardine&#8217;s call to action, particularly aimed at the youth, emphasizes the urgency of addressing these national challenges. &#8220;We can disagree on many things, but we can agree that we cannot continue like this,&#8221; he stated at the launch, capturing the mood of a nation yearning for transformation.



&#8220;The emergence of so many new parties is a clear testimony to the shifting political consciousness in South Africa and the waning grip of the ANC,” says political scientist and analyst Susan Booysen, director of research at the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection (MISTRA), emeritus professor at the University of the Witwatersrand, to FORBES AFRICA. “Yet, despite this proliferation, these parties often struggle to gain serious traction, highlighting the complex dynamics of our political landscape.&#8221;



The launch of new political parties in opposition to the ANC has traditionally not been successful, with the party fiercely working to dissuade new rivals – with only the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) having seen a significant rise since the ANC’s ascendance.



Jardine&#8217;s Change Starts Now joins a growing list of new political entities, such as RISE Mzansi, and Build One South Africa (BOSA), spearheaded by former Democratic Alliance leader Mmusi Maimane. These emerging movements are a response to a public increasingly disillusioned with the ANC&#8217;s handling of crucial issues like the energy crisis, economic stagnation, and perceived systemic corruption. However, the fragmentation among these new opposition parties raises questions about their collective impact on the political landscape and their ability to present a cohesive alternative.



 According to Booysen, many who might have perhaps voted differently in the last election still voted for the ANC as they had high hopes for President Cyril Ramaphosa, and his inability to resolve the challenges South Africa faces is in large part what has allowed smaller parties to bloom. “Ramaphosa brought a fresh sense of legitimacy to the ANC; the expected turnaround has been disappointingly slow and fraught with compromise,” observes Booysen. “This sluggish progress suggests that South Africa might be on the cusp of a new, transformative political phase.&#8221;



In addition to addressing national issues, Jardine&#8217;s movement focuses on rebuilding trust in political leadership. His experience as a former chairperson of one of South Africa&#8217;s leading financial institutions, FirstRand, adds a unique dimension to his political journey. This background in business and finance could offer a different approach to tackling economic challenges and fostering growth, particularly in areas like youth employment and entrepreneurship.



&#8220;Roger Jardine’s approach is intriguing – he&#8217;s not just creating another political party; he&#8217;s cultivating a movement grounded in listening to the people and shaping policy through participation,” says Booysen. “This strategy represents a significant departure from traditional political paradigms and could be pivotal in reshaping our political discourse.&#8221;



Change Starts Now seeks to galvanize support by promising a more inclusive and representative form of governance. Jardine&#8217;s emphasis on forming &#8220;the most diverse coalition in history&#8221; is his commitment to bringing together various segments of society, including those traditionally marginalized in political discourse.



As South Africa approaches the 2024 general elections, the role of new political parties will be pivotal in shaping the nation&#8217;s future. Their ability to address pressing issues faced by the country and to resonate with a populace seeking change will be critical.



The coming months will be a test of their influence, vision, and capacity to challenge the established political order, particularly as the country fast approaches the first general elections since 1994 where the ruling ANC risks losing its majority for the first time since the country became a democracy.



Jardine&#8217;s entry into the political arena represents a significant moment in South African politics, however, he will be pressed to demonstrate his legitimacy and charisma to not just business and the political class of the country, but the people as a whole should he wish to play a significant role.



&#8220;The key to breaking the ANC&#8217;s longstanding hold on society lies not merely in appealing to the business sector but in connecting genuinely with the people themselves. It&#8217;s about bringing that magical element of leadership that resonates at the grassroots level,” says Booysen. “Without this, we risk returning to a status quo with the ANC at the helm of a weakened state.&#8221;

Aveng’s Roger Jardine

Businessman And Activist At The Helm of South Africa’s New Political Party Reshaping Political Discourse

Ruth Wasserman Lande has made history as the second-ever, and only female, South African to be elected to Israel’s top legislative. &nbsp;



When you sit down for coffee with Ruth Wasserman Lande, her warm brown eyes lock onto yours and before we even start the interview, she’s interested in learning more about me. It’s heart-warming – and unusual. It’s not every day a diplomat asks the questions she does and is so genuinely interested in the answers.



But then again Lande is not your everyday politician. She made history this year after becoming the second-ever, and only female, South African to be elected to Israel’s top legislative. The last time a South African served in the Israeli parliament (Knesset) was in the 1960s.



Lande went on to narrowly lose her seat during elections held at the end of March. But in a coalition government announced on Monday, June 14, she re-entered the Knesset.



Born in Israel, Lande was nine when her family moved halfway across the world to her native Cape Town in South Africa. After growing up in a poor Israeli neighborhood where children from all backgrounds – Morocco, Georgia, Russia, Lithuania – played together, she found the “huge houses with huge fences and swimming pools” of South Africa startling. It was 1985 – five years before Nelson Mandela would be released from prison and apartheid begin to be dismantled.



“I saw people locking their fridges and locking their houses. It was shocking for me because in Israel everything was open. Everything was sort of simple there. So the Moroccans were a little more black and the Russians were a little more light and everybody was all sorts of colors. We just didn&#8217;t care. We didn&#8217;t see it. So it impacted me in a very big way as a child that the color a person was could mean he’d be better off economically than another.”



That impact followed her into adulthood.



“I&#8217;m very involved in working with minority groups in Israel, with the less privileged, not only Arabs, but also Jews of lower socio-economic income, people with disabilities, people who are on the autistic spectrum. I think I have a kind of affinity to those who have a more difficult starting point.”



She believes the eight years she spent in South Africa – “a lifetime at that age” &#8211; increased her sense of calling to be active in society. She attributes her excellent English to her South African schooling and also her ability to feel comfortable in very different situations, again useful qualities for women in leadership.



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">“I have a kind of affinity to those who have a more difficult starting point.”</blockquote>



Returning to Israel at the age of 17 to join the Israel Defense Forces as a “lone soldier” – she had no immediate family in Israel – she waitressed on weekends to make ends meet. She served in the intelligence division and rose to captain.



Later, she joined the Foreign Ministry, volunteering to work in Egypt where she became the deputy Israeli ambassador, a post she held for three years. She studied Arabic for eight hours a day and is today fluent.



“I think that Israel is a magnificent nucleus for countries in Africa because there&#8217;s such a pluralism of societies, communities and cultures in Israel that, despite the difficulties and imperfections, everybody can find their place here.&nbsp;Also, the knowledge and expertise that is being exported from Israel in the fields of water, technology and farming to many countries in Africa is something that I am very proud of. It’s important to help, to give, to contribute.”



Lande has two masters’ degrees, one from Harvard University, and also worked as an advisor to former Israeli President Shimon Peres.



“I really believe that what you give, the universe gives back. It doesn’t have to be financial but it has a lot to do with energy. As a member of Knesset, I feel I can be heard more. I care about this country and I want to make the society in it more viable, more equal, better, and maybe that sounds very presumptuous, but I try in my own way.”



– By Paula Slier

IMG-20210427-WA0060

On A Mission Far Away: The South African In The Knesset

TOPLINE Facebook will no longer recommend political groups to users, CEO Mark Zuckerberg said Wednesday, amid criticism for how the platform was used by pro-Trump extremists to plan the attack on the Capitol earlier this month.



<h4 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-key-facts">KEY FACTS</h4>



Facebook had already halted political and social issue group recommendations leading up to the November election last year, but Zuckerberg said on an earnings call Wednesday that the change will become permanent.



The move is significant because private Facebook groups are rife with misinformation and conspiracy theories, researchers&nbsp;<a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/06/22/881826881/facebook-groups-are-destroying-america-researcher-on-misinformation-spread-onlin" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">say</a>, with some involved in the planning of the Capitol riots, according to a&nbsp;<a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/tech/tech-news/some-pro-trump-extremsists-used-facebook-plan-capitol-attack-report-n1254794" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">report&nbsp;</a>from the Tech Transparency Project.



The ban comes the day after Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) wrote a scathing letter to Zuckerberg saying, “Facebook’s system of recommending political groups poses grave threats to American democracy and public safety.”



<h4 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-key-background">KEY BACKGROUND</h4>



&nbsp;Critics have long pressured Facebook to crack down on calls for violence, hate speech and misinformation. They argue Facebook is a cesspool of extreme views, and can play a role in&nbsp;<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/14/opinion/facebook-far-right.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">radicalizing&nbsp;</a>normal users. At least in part recognizing Facebook’s divisiveness, Zuckerberg also said Wednesday the social network plans to reduce the amount of political content people see in their feeds. “One of the top pieces of feedback that we’re hearing from our community right now is that people don’t want politics and fighting to take over their experience on our services,” Zuckerberg said.



<h4 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-tangent">TANGENT</h4>



Facebook’s revenue and profit grew in 2020, despite a looming antitrust investigation, privacy mishaps and scrutiny over content moderation. But the company warned in its fourth-quarter earnings report that it would face significant obstacles this year as Apple plans to make it harder for Facebook to track iOS users.



<h4 class="wp-block-heading" id="h-surprising-fact">SURPRISING FACT</h4>



Facebook already <a href="https://www.theverge.com/2020/9/17/21443742/facebook-health-groups-recommendations-new-admin-rules" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">stopped</a> recommending health-related groups in September to address coronavirus and other health misinformation.



By Rachel Sandler, Forbes Staff

In this photo illustration, Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg

Facebook Will Permanently Stop Promoting Political Groups

When CIOs talk about platforms, they’re usually referring to digital rather than political ones. But as Americans head to the polls, corporate tech leaders should be paying close attention to what a second Trump administration, or a first Biden one, could have in store for them.



The outcome of the contest will have profound consequences for skilled immigration, data privacy regimes, the regulation of AI and other issues such as cybersecurity that all matter to CIOs. It will also shape how America deals with China as a competitor and trading partner—a fraught relationship that’s sparked concerns over high-tech supply chains and the security of 5G communications networks<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/davidjeans/2020/10/09/huawei-rivals-nokia-ericsson-27-billion-us-sanctions/#7249ea2bde48">&nbsp;using equipment from Huawei and other Chinese firms</a>.



The election will also help determine whether America can sustain its role as a global innovation leader. The Information Technology and Innovation Foundation (ITIF), a think tank with close links to the tech industry, points out that the U.S. would need to spend at least an additional $100 billion a year, or an increase of around 80% over current spending levels, just to match what it was investing in research as a percentage of GDP back in the 1980s.



“The reality is that America is no longer the global innovation leader, at least on a per capita basis, and it risks losing out to China over the next decade or two,” the ITIF wrote in a recent study of the likely impact of the upcoming election on tech policy. “Whether or not the two major parties understand this threat and want to prioritize it is unclear.”



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">Tackling China</h3>



What is clear is that tensions over high-tech trade with China are likely to remain high under either a second Trump administration or a first Biden one. But the tactics a Biden presidency would adopt are likely to be quite different to those of its predecessor.



Speaking at the<a href="https://www.forbes.com/connect/event/forbes-cio-next-virtual-episode1/">&nbsp;Forbes&nbsp;CIO Next virtual summit</a>&nbsp;held on October 27, Darrell West, an expert on technology policy at the Brookings Institution, said that if President Trump is re-elected, he’s likely to continue his aggressive and unpredictable, go-it-alone policy towards pressuring China for trade concessions. “A company may wake up one day thinking they are a friend of the administration and the next day become a target,” said West.



A Biden presidency is likely to keep up the pressure on China, too, but will almost certainly create a clear set of processes for handling trade negotiations on high-tech and other issues. West thinks it will also want to forge a more united front with the European Union on dealing with the Chinese. While this approach may make it easier for CIOs and other executives to assess supply chain risks in dealing with Chinese manufacturers, both presidential candidates are likely to maintain U.S. efforts to keep hardware from China and other suppliers out of 5G networks in America and other countries on national security grounds.



With Chinese companies pulling ahead in areas such as<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/anthonytrippe/2020/08/31/china-is-gunning-to-be-the-world-leader-in-ai-chips-while-restricting-exports/#392b0c186d4e">&nbsp;chips that power artificial intelligence (AI) applications</a>, the issue of how the U.S. government can better support domestic innovation will be on the table no matter who becomes president. Neither candidate looks likely to bring government spending as a percentage of GDP back to 1980s levels, but the Biden camp has pledged to invest an additional $300 billion over four years to help close some of the gap. If he is re-elected, President Trump is likely to continue his current policy of reducing overall government support on R&amp;D while boosting investment<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/martingiles/2020/08/14/us-to-boost-ai-quantum-funding-in-2021/#291bef1521dd">&nbsp;in some key areas such as AI, quantum information science and advanced manufacturing</a>.



On cybersecurity, both candidates would likely step up efforts to protect U.S. companies and critical infrastructure such as electrical grids from cyberattacks. West thinks a Biden administration could press for a kind of Geneva convention on cyber arms control, whereas if President Trump is re-elected his administration will keep pursuing a more unilateral approach. If the Democrats win the presidency and perhaps carry the Senate too, they may also push for a mandatory regime that requires companies to report hacks to a national database. Republicans, on the other hand, are more likely to leave breach reporting requirements to individual states.&nbsp;



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">Importing talent</h3>



Finding enough skilled workers is one of CIOs’ biggest concerns, so they will be hoping for an easing of restrictions on H1-B visas and other channels that the present Trump administration has been restricting.



Robert Atkinson, the president of the ITIF, thinks a Biden administration will expand skilled immigration whereas a second Trump one is likely to extend the current crackdown. However, he cautions that if Biden wins, companies can’t count on a swift increase in H1-Bs. “There are a lot of folks on the left [of the Democratic party] who have pushed back on H1-Bs because these are seen as undermining U.S. wages,” he says. “You could instead see an expansion of other avenues and vehicles to bring in high-skilled workers.”



Atkinson also thinks that if Biden carries the White House, CIOs could find<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/marksettle/2020/10/20/the-proper-path-to-achieving--automation-at-scale/#2f8df7ef2a4a">&nbsp;robotic process automation (RPA) strategies</a>, which use software to take over tasks from workers, under intense political scrutiny because of fears these will destroy jobs and crater wages. “In a Biden administration, companies will have to be much more careful and cautious about how they portray this. Trump doesn’t mind automation; he minds offshoring.”



Companies’ automation drives could be blunted in other ways. For instance, tax reforms in 2018 made it possible for businesses to immediately deduct the entire cost of equipment purchases from taxable income; previously, they had generally only been allowed to write off a portion of the cost in a single year. This encouraged CIOs and other executives to accelerate purchases of everything from robots to servers. However, the changes will come up for review in a couple of years and a Biden administration would be less likely to push for an extension.



If Biden wins the election, CIOs will almost certainly face tougher rules on data privacy. Both candidates are in favor of a national consumer privacy regime to replace the present mix of different state ones, but the Democrats are more likely to push for<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/waynerash/2020/06/29/ccpa-enforcement-to-begin-on-wednesday-july-1-2020--steps-to-get-ready/#5650f7475f8b">&nbsp;a California-style framework</a>&nbsp;with significant compliance costs and hefty fines for rule-breakers. They are also more likely to support a national regime to regulate the use of artificial intelligence for things such as facial recognition systems.



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">Tech under the microscope</h3>



No matter which of the presidential candidates ends up in the White House after the election, it’s clear that the world of technology is going to face more intense scrutiny than ever before.



CIOs will want to keep an especially close watch on who ends up leading key government agencies, such as the Federal Trade Commission and the Department of Justice, which are responsible for oversight on antitrust policy. The Justice Department’s recent move to sue Google<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2020/10/20/justice-department-suing-google-for-antitrust-violations/#7e1f4243dbb8">&nbsp;for alleged antitrust violations</a>&nbsp;is likely to be followed by actions against Facebook and possibly other tech firms. It will also be important to watch who is chosen to sit on key congressional bodies such as the House Judiciary Committee’s Antitrust Subcommittee, which issued a report earlier this month<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/rachelsandler/2020/10/06/long-awaited-house-report-recommends-breaking-up-big-tech/#46776205c831">&nbsp;flagging multiple potential areas of potential concern</a>, including Amazon’s significant share of the cloud computing market.



The Brookings Institution’s West neatly encapsulated where things stand in his closing remarks at the Forbes CIO Next event. “Over the last 30 years, the mantra has been ‘permissionless innovation,’” he said, referring to a relatively laissez-faire view of technology’s impact on the economy and society. “That era is coming to an end. We’re going to have more public engagement [on tech issues], more public oversight, and more public regulation.”



-By Martin Giles, Forbes Staff

Man voting online

Here’s How The U.S. Election Could Impact Automation, Cybersecurity, Data Privacy And Other Key Issues CIOs Care About

After years of hints, Kanye West formally announced he is running for president this year in a challenge to Trump, who he once supported, and Democratic rival Joe Biden, winning support from his friend and Tesla CEO Elon Musk.



KEY FACTS



<ul class="wp-block-list"><li>Rounding off his Fourth of July, West <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1279575273365594112?s=20" target="_blank">tweeted</a> on Saturday night: “We must now realize the promise of America by trusting God, unifying our vision and building our future. I am running for president of the United States! #2020VISION.”</li></ul>



<ul class="wp-block-list"><li>Musk<a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1279577069005897728?s=20" target="_blank"> tweeted</a> in response: “You have my full support!”</li></ul>



<ul class="wp-block-list"><li>Wife Kim Kardashian also publicly pledged her support, retweeting West’s statement and adding a U.S. flag <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/KimKardashian/status/1279597399380332544?s=20" target="_blank">emoji</a>.</li></ul>



<ul class="wp-block-list"><li>West’s announcement follows years of hints that he would run for office this year which he later postponed to 2024, after publicly declaring at a Fast Company event in 2019: “When I run for president in 2024&#8230;We would create so many jobs! I’m not going to run, I’m going to walk.”</li></ul>



<ul class="wp-block-list"><li>But the rapper, who recently <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/pamdanziger/2020/06/28/kanye-west-gives-gap-a-ten-year-lifeline-with-yeezy-partnership-and-gets-what-he-always-wanted/#3db3d12e3dde">inked</a> a 10-year deal with Gap through his Yeezy brand, is reportedly yet to file any paperwork to get on state election ballots, while he has missed the deadline for states including Texas, New York, and Indiana.</li></ul>



<ul class="wp-block-list"><li>It is not known how serious West’s intentions are this time around, however, he still has time to <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://ballotpedia.org/Important_dates_in_the_2020_presidential_race" target="_blank">file</a> as an independent candidate across most states, according to Ballotpedia.</li></ul>



<ul class="wp-block-list"><li>West’s declaration was met with skepticism on social media, while some commentators pointed out that it could work out in Trump’s favour.</li></ul>



<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">Kanye West went from endorsing Trump to claiming he’d run against him —an announcement that benefits the president to the degree it spotlights Biden’s need for black voters &amp; his potential weakness with young voters <a href="https://t.co/0m4PUO6s6a">https://t.co/0m4PUO6s6a</a>&mdash; Marc Caputo (@MarcACaputo) <a href="https://twitter.com/MarcACaputo/status/1279589464491376642?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 5, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
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<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">Kanye West isn’t really gonna run for President, but his next album will be called Presidential Dropout&mdash; David Gardner (@byDavidGardner) <a href="https://twitter.com/byDavidGardner/status/1279585706432659457?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 5, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
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KEY BACKGROUND



West’s declaration suggests the rapper is looking to cement political ambitions he has expressed throughout Trump’s presidency. West previously forged alliances with Trump, and was pictured in the Oval Office in 2018 wearing a signature Trump ‘Make America Great Again’ cap. He once called the president his “brother” and previously hit back at criticism towards his support for Trump, likening the backlash to racial discrimination. Although he says he didn’t vote in 2016, West later said he “would have voted for Trump”, and earlier this year doubled down, suggesting he would vote for him in November. But that could very well change given Saturday’s announcement.



<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="594" height="456" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-46417" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1.jpg 594w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1-300x230.jpg 300w" sizes="(max-width: 594px) 100vw, 594px" /><figcaption>American rapper and producer Kanye West embraces real estate developer and US President Donald Trump in the White House&#8217;s Oval Office, Washington DC, October 11, 2018. West wears a red baseball cap that reads &#8216;Make America Great Again,&#8217; Trump&#8217;s campaign slogan. (Photo by Ron Sachs/Consolidated News Pictures/Getty Images)</figcaption></figure>



TANGENT



West and Musk were <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1278353774671802369?s=20" target="_blank">pictured together</a> on July 1st, with West tweeting: “When you go to your boys [sic] house and you’re both wearing orange.”



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https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1278353774671802369?s=20
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&#8211;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/isabeltogoh/">Isabel Togoh</a>, Forbes Staff, <a href="https://www.forbes.com/business">Business</a>

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Elon Musk, Kim Kardashian Endorse Kanye West Running For President

Sahle-Work Zewde, Ethiopia’s first female president and the only serving female head of state in Africa, tells FORBES AFRICA why more leaders should use soft power to achieve shared growth.



Sahle-Work Zewde has her name etched in political history. A veteran public official having served as an ambassador to Senegal, Djibouti, and France between 1989 and 2006, before her presidency, Zewde was Special Representative to the African Union and Head of the United Nations Office to the African Union. In an email interview, Zwede, who was also on FORBES AFRICA’s list of ‘Africa’s 50 Most Powerful Women’ for its March issue, dwells on why the ‘Africa we want’ will only become a reality with the positive and significant transformation of women’s lives:



In your position, how are you moving to achieve more gender proportionality in Ethiopian politics?



I see my being in this position as both an opportunity and responsibility. I know that it is political will that has opened the way for me and many other women to assume positions of power and influence in the Presidency and the ministerial cabinet in Ethiopia. This stride is a major step forward for Ethiopia as a nation and also for the continent. However, things can regress and go back to how they were unless we take strategic and intentional action to build on the momentum. For me, the way forward is using my platform to empower and embolden the women coming after me. This can occur in two ways. The first is working on empowering the women who are in the workforce and especially in positions of leadership to reach their full potential and engage in activities that provide opportunities for the next generation of women leaders. The second is helping female students at both the university and high school levels to ensure that we have a steady stream of competent, educated and confident women ready to take over. As women in power, we have a responsibility to all the women that will come after us to ensure that their trajectory is easier than ours.



How must Africa change in this regard?



Although more progress has been achieved in terms of delivering on our promise to provide support towards women’s education, health services, access to finance and political participation in a growing number of African countries, much more needs to be done. As a continent, we must go beyond the rhetoric and provide tangible solutions for African women in all sectors. The ‘Africa we want’ will only become a reality with the positive and significant transformation of women’s lives and the extent of their participation in all walks of life.



What do the words ‘power’ and ‘soft power’ mean to you?



There is a clear distinction between ‘power’ and ‘soft power’. While the first uses any means to achieve a goal, the latter relies on influence through communication, understanding and healthy discourse. Soft power does not resort to violence or coercive methods to achieve the results sought. Serving as a diplomat for a quarter century and at the United Nations for over a decade, I became very knowledgeable of the utility of soft power to reach consensus and effectuate change.



For me, the idea of soft power is what we need to promote as a continent. For decades, our continent has been ravaged by civil war, ethnic conflict and infighting.



However, Africa is now enjoying more economic growth than it has ever had. What we need now is more leaders to exercise soft power, finding what unites us to achieve a vision of shared growth. Traditional governance sees the government as the sole owner and executer of international relations. However, with our increasingly globalized world, it’s the people-to-people connections that make a true and lasting impact and bond. Leaders of today have to detach from traditional views and adopt the more global perspective the times require.



– Interviewed by Renuka Methil

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‘It’s The People-To-People Connections That Make A Lasting Impact’

Rama

#Coronavirus: South Africa Extends Lockdown By Two Weeks

Like the proverbial cat with nine lives, South Africa’s scandal-ridden president, <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/jacob-gedleyihlekisa-zuma" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Jacob Zuma</a>, may well have escaped yet again with his political life. This despite another resounding loss in the country’s highest court.
The Constitutional Court <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2017-06-22-read-in-full-concourt-ruling-on-secret-ballot/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">ruled</a> that there was no constitutional bar to the Speaker of the National Assembly, <a href="http://www.news24.com/Tags/People/baleka_mbete" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Baleka Mbete</a>, opting to employ a secret ballot in a no confidence vote in parliament. She’d originally asserted that she didn’t have the authority to make this decision, prompting several opposition parties – furious at Zuma’s increasingly dictatorial project of <a href="http://ewn.co.za/Topic/State-Capture" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">“state capture”</a> – to take the matter to court.
South Africa’s judicial system continues to hold firm. This is despite the fact that there appears to be a concerted and well coordinated campaign by a group of politicians and businessmen to undermine the integrity of state institutions as well as to exploit their weaknesses to prosecute a project of self-enrichment and rent-seeking. The campaign is pivoted around the now notorious <a href="https://mg.co.za/tag/gupta-family" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gupta family</a>.
Zuma has been brought to book repeatedly by the courts. In March last year, the Constitutional Court <a href="http://city-press.news24.com/News/constitutional-courts-damning-judgment-zuma-violated-his-oath-of-office-20160331" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">found</a> that Zuma, as well as parliament, had violated the Constitution. It did so by failing to defend and uphold the constitutional authority of South Africa’s ombud – it’s Public Protector – who had conducted an investigation into the president’s private homestead, <a href="https://mg.co.za/report/zumaville-a-special-report" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nkandla</a>. She found that Zuma and his family had unlawfully benefited. He was required to pay back nearly R8 million (around $620,000) to the state. Yet, following a <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2016/04/01/Full-text-of-President-Zumas-speech-on-Concourt-Nkandla-judgment" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">half-baked apology</a>, Zuma held onto power.
In parliament he’s survived a number of no-confidence votes <a href="http://www.sanews.gov.za/south-africa/mps-reject-motion-no-confidence-against-president" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">mounted</a> by the opposition. He also dodged two such attempts in the national executive committee of his own party, the ruling African National Congress (ANC) – <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2016/11/27/anxious-wait-for-outcomes-of-hanekom-s-motion-against-zuma" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">one</a> in November last year and most recently <a href="http://citizen.co.za/news/news-national/1526627/netshitenzhe-tables-motion-of-no-confidence-in-zuma-at-nec-meeting/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">in late May</a>. He’s been backed by an increasingly slender yet sufficient number of loyalists and nationalists for whom Zuma provides political cover for their populist and self-serving call for “radical economic transformation”.
<h2>Tipping point</h2>
The tipping point for the latest legal skirmish was Zuma’s reckless and apparently self-interested decision to <a href="https://theconversation.com/firing-of-south-africas-finance-minister-puts-the-public-purse-in-zumas-hands-75525?sr=16" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">fire</a> South Africa’s widely respected minister of finance, Pravin Gordhan, on 30 March this year.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/current-affairs/2017/06/01/tale-two-ministers/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">A Tale Of Two Ministers</a>
Despite a cold war with Zuma, Gordhan had <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africa-cant-save-itself-just-by-talking-the-talk-it-must-walk-the-walk-73863?sr=7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">held the line</a> against “state capture” for 15 months after his reappointment in December 2015. And so as night follows day, Gordhan’s removal precipitated an immediate ratings’ agency downgrade. The downgrade added further pressure to an already weak economy, undermining any prospects of economic growth to address the high levels of unemployment and inequality that threaten its precarious social stability.
Once again, in response to Zuma’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/stakes-for-south-africas-democracy-are-high-as-zuma-plunges-the-knife-75550?sr=21" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">ill-considered cabinet reshuffle</a>, the largest opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, tabled a motion of no confidence in the national assembly. There has been an apparent shift in attitude in the ANC’s parliamentary caucus suggesting that the no-confidence vote might have a chance of succeeding. Many ANC MPs are now anxious about the party’s prospects at the 2019 national election and their own political future.
But there’s also concern over Zuma’s apparent hold over many backbench MPs. Many of them fear retribution and expulsion should they vote against the president. If an MP ceases to be a member of the party on whose list they stood at election time, they automatically lose their seat in parliament.
Because of this one of the smaller opposition parties, the United Democratic Movement, requested the speaker to use a secret ballot to enable MPs to vote with their conscience. Mbete, who is also the national chairperson of the ANC, refused. She claimed that she did not have the power to make the decision.
The Constitution is unclear. It provides for the president and the cabinet to be removed by the national assembly by a bare majority following “a vote”. In the secret ballot case, the court could have interpreted “a vote” to mean “a secret vote”. Equally, however, the failure of the Constitution to specify a secret ballot in the case of a no confidence vote could mean an open ballot was intended.
So on June 22, the Constitutional Court took neither route. It held that the Constitution could have provided for a vote by secret ballot or open ballot. It did neither. Rather it held that, the national assembly has… in effect empowered the Speaker to decide how a particular motion of no confidence in the President is to be conducted.
Accordingly, the Court set aside the Speaker’s decision that she lacked constitutional power to order a secret ballot. Notably, Zuma had entered the proceedings to argue, like the Speaker, that there was no power to order a secret ballot and no need to do so.
The court pointedly observed that Mbete has “an enormous responsibility” to ensure that when she decides whether on a “situation specific” case-by-case basis a secret ballot should be employed. She should do so on a “rational and proper basis”, with due and careful regard to a purpose of the no confidence vote. Importantly, the court noted that the primary duty of MPs is to the Constitution and not to their parties.
The implication is that the ability of MPs to vote with their conscience in such a situation is clearly a factor that the speaker should take into account when making her decision. Some critics will regard the court’s “guidance” as insufficiently precise. But the court was clearly anxious not to encroach on separation of powers – perhaps mindful of the virulent claims from some quarters of “judicial over-reach”.
Mbete will have to choose between her loyalty to her president as one of the ANC’s <a href="https://mg.co.za/tag/anc-top-six" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">“top six”</a> leadership and her duty to the Constitution as speaker.
<h2>Zuma unperturbed</h2>
Later on the same day of the judgment Zuma was <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2017/06/22/watch-zuma-answers-questions-on-state-capture" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">answering questions</a> in parliament. Judging by his typically thick-skinned signs of confidence, the president is not unduly perturbed by the court’s ruling.
While the court stated the power to decide on whether to hold a secret ballot or not should “not be exercised arbitrarily or whimsically”, Zuma has already made it clear that he expects Mbete to decide that a secret ballot is inappropriate or unnecessary.
Parliament returns after its current mid-year winter recess in August. If Mbete once again declines to hold a secret ballot, her decision will, in turn, then be subject to judicial review application. In due course the court could be forced to order her to hold a secret ballot.
So despite the Constitutional Court judgment, and the lucidity of it’s reasoning, a no-confidence vote held with a secret ballot is still some way off. Until then, Zuma lives to fight another day.
But with every day passing, December’s ANC national elective conference gets closer. Then Zuma’s term as president of the ANC expires. Then his power will decline potentially decisively.
One way or another, Zuma is running out of political lives.
&#8211; Written by <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/richard-calland-182127" target="_blank" rel="author noopener noreferrer">Richard Calland</a>, Associate Professor in Public Law, University of Cape Town
&#8211; Photo by <a href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/author/jay-caboz/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Jay Caboz</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="https://theconversation.com/africa" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">The Conversation</a>
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/80009/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-advanced" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />

AnitZumaMarch_JC-4

South Africa’s Jacob Zuma running out of political lives

WEF Africa 2017 was a story of foreign investors, growth and grey business suits. It also held the tale of two finance ministers. Rarely have the economic politics of the host nation loomed so large over one conference.
The reshuffling of steady-as-she-goes Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan for young, untested, Malusi Gigaba prompted a downgrade to junk status for South Africa and reverberated throughout the conference in Durban.
“I am young, I have energy for days,” says the younger of the two as he strides confidently down the walkway. Forty-five-year-old Gigaba almost shines when you look at him, like has been varnished. He has his skinny suits made for him – for about $1,600 a pop – by Johannesburg designer Linda Makhanya and wears snazzy glasses. He may have a long way to go to become the greatest finance minister South Africa ever had, but is certainly the most snappily dressed from day one.
Gigaba, fresh from an investment roadshow to New York, Washington and Boston, faces another long haul to drag South Africa clear of damaging junk status and economic decay that will drive capital away from the country.
“He is a bright guy, give him a chance,” says Maria Ramos, the CEO of Barclays Africa.
The man himself bridles at the suggestion that he is too inexperienced for the job. He says, with 13 years under his belt, he is one of the most experienced in cabinet who served in the economic cluster when public enterprises minister.
“I think as soon as he can be on top of the numbers and speak the language of the numbers he will be able to work with a very good team at Treasury,” says Lesetja Kganyago, the Governor of the South African Reserve Bank.
It is Gigaba’s difficult job to stave off another downgrade by the ratings agencies, which could come in a matter of weeks, restore confidence, promote investment and create what he calls inclusive growth – fashionable buzz words in cabinet right now – at a time when any kind of growth would be welcome.
“You need to change the patterns or structures of ownership, of the South African economy, so that black people don’t become only employees and get limited to being a middle class, but you create asset owners,” he says.
<div id="attachment_31403" style="width: 1034px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-31403" class="wp-image-31403 size-large" src="http://www.forbesafrica.com/app/uploads/2017/06/GettyImages-661435026-1024x684.jpg" alt="" width="1024" height="684" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/GettyImages-661435026.jpg 1024w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/GettyImages-661435026-300x200.jpg 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/GettyImages-661435026-600x401.jpg 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/GettyImages-661435026-768x513.jpg 768w" sizes="(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px" />Former Finance Minister, Pravin Gordhan</div>
Nationalization – a word that sends foreign investors running for the hills – is off the table for now.
“You don’t nationalize shrinking economic sectors in a shrinking economy. We are not talking about that. The ANC itself, as the ruling party, has been clear on that; South Africa is a mixed economy.”
With corruption allegations swirling around government, the new minister’s public position on it could be seen as comforting.
“If we allow corruption to become rampant it actually creates a trust deficit between the public representatives as well as the public. And it makes it difficult for us when we have to take tough decisions to earn loyalty and support from the public. And so I am committed in doing everything that we have to do and can to fight corruption and ensure that we are running a clean country.”
Also at WEF Africa was the more soberly dressed Gordhan who looked a little down and had every right to be. He had worked tirelessly for 14 months to put the economy back on to an even keel before being dragged back from an investment roadshow in London to be reshuffled ruthlessly; he found out he had been fired in the newspapers.
“What has happened has happened we can’t mourn over those things. There could have been a more dignified way in which some of those ways could have been done and it was not just me, many  colleagues were part of this process as well and if we begin to lose our sense of dignity and decorum that is not a very good sign,” he says.
It did not rob him of all hope.
“We have had assurances that the policy framework that the government has adopted will remain in place. The world of course is still an uncertain place and whilst there were still green shoots in our economy and globally there is an element of uncertainty that come in either of geo-politics on the one hand or domestic politics and economics on the other hand as well. I am not apprehensive, I am hopeful but hope must be based on some real actions that are taken,” says Gordhan.
“We have to all focus our attention on our best to get the country going, not in the interest of a few individuals, but in the interest of the 50 million people we are here to serve.”
Gordhan had a rough ride as finance minister after climbing back into the saddle in December 2015 following a clumsy reshuffle that saw three finance ministers in four days. He spent most of his second stint in the shadow of the sack or trumped up charges in court.
Even outside cabinet he was under unfriendly fire. Hotheads from the ANC youth league heckled him at a memorial service – yes, I said memorial service – for party stalwart Ahmed Kathrada in Durban. Catcalls from youths for a man who spent the best part of a year in solitary confinement for their freedom to do so.
“I think if you lack a sense of history, if the younger people are not educated about the past and don’t wish to be educated. Thirdly if you practice the politics of renting a crowd you will end up with that sort of denigratory behavior and you have to just forgive them for their ignorance,” says Gordhan before giving a warning.
“Many of us have said that if you carry on at the current rate then the ANC will lose the 2019 elections and we don’t want that to happen.”
A dignified political epitaph for a man likely to end nearly half a century of fighting the good fight by quitting politics. He says he will discuss this with his family and surely they’ve had enough by now.
As for Gigaba; people can often become what the times demand. Many expect him to do what he is told, but maybe the unexpected power bestowed upon him could see him make landmark decisions for the good of the economy with insight as sharp as his tailored suits. If only.

SAFRICA-ECONOMY-WEF

A Tale  Of Two Ministers

Trust Matsilele says writing for FORBES AFRICA changed his life. The most remarkable and harrowing story of the lot is his own.
His crisp declamatory picturesque articles, told with conviction over the last two years, were born of years of struggle, pain and disappointment from birth.
At just eight months old, his mother abandoned Matsilele and his twin brother at the door of Harare Central Police Station in Zimbabwe with nothing but a tiny bag of clothing. Luckily, within 24 hours, they were adopted by their aunt, who had just moved back to Zimbabwe, after years studying in the United States.
“My aunt had no kids, but all of a sudden, she had this heavy burden to carry,” says Matsilele.
The twins moved to their new home, a mission school in Mwenezi, a small district in southern Zimbabwe, with their new parent. They lived a middle-class life and almost forgot they had been abandoned. In 1992, their guardian moved to South Africa to work. The twins moved in with their grandmother in the village. This meant goodbye to bread and butter for lunch at school.
“My grandmother tried to make sure we had good lunchboxes when we went away for sports at school but on a day-to-day basis we struggled to carry lunch to school. We walked 10 kilometers barefoot to school and herded cattle after school,” he says.
It was a struggle until their aunt started making a bit of money in South Africa. In 1996, she sent the boys to boarding school where Matsilele traveled in a bus for the first time.
“I was in the drama club and we went in a bus to Masvingo and I was so happy. School was OK but I couldn’t afford somethings like freezit (sweet ice) so I washed clothes for kids from urban areas, who came from better backgrounds, to make money. It was hard. I could see my poverty clearly. I remember my brother and I at some point wishing we went to a poorer high school, with kids like us, but my aunt had done the best she could so we were grateful.”
Matsilele left high school to set foot in his capital, Harare, a bustling city, for the first time. It was a painful reminder of a place where his mother abandoned him, but also a chance to study journalism; paid for by his brother.
Here, 19-year-old Matsilele saw a traffic light for the first time.
“As much as I was aware of their existence, I had never seen them. It was all shocking for me. My brother struggled to pay my fees so I had to work during the day and take classes at night. It was hard to make ends meet. Even money for a taxi to work was hard to get. I remember one of my classmates religiously brought a pie for me. Sometimes even if I was struggling to go to school, I would remember the pie I would get and I would make my way there.”
Hard work, on a pie a day, earned Matsilele a diploma in journalism. He moved to South Africa thinking it would be easy to get a job. It wasn’t.  South Africa has a 25.5% unemployment rate and with 2.2 million immigrants looking for work.
No job, no money, no food and no roof, Matsilele hit rock bottom in a country he thought was paved with gold; to find home was a dumpsite. He lived there for four months picking up scrap metal and bricks to sell.
“We used some rags and plastics to cover ourselves if it was raining or cold. Police came to harass us at any time of the day. I remember it rained one night and my passport was in my pocket and it got defaced,” he says.
Life on the harsh streets of South Africa was dangerous, so Matsilele moved to a squatter camp to live with his cousin.
“We would walk for about two hours to look for jobs on the streets. Any jobs, like cutting lawns or general work. I did that for two years just to have a bit of money.”
Matsilele’s nephew, who worked for The Zimbabwean newspaper, based in Johannesburg, showed him a glimmer of hope and invited him to his office to talk about a job.
“When I got there he had gone for a conference and the people at the office refused me entry. I think I was too scruffy or dirty and looked like a street kid,” he says.
A week later, he went back and the nephew employed him.
“To get meaningful money for someone staying in a squatter camp, about R1,000 ($70) a month, was hard but I was writing about 40 articles a month at R40 (less than $3) a story.”
This resilience marked his entry to the world of journalism.
“I moved to a small place with a friend of mine and together we bought our first bed. This was a huge adjustment coming out of a squatter camp. We had never owned a bed,” he says.
Another friend offered to help pay for Matsilele’s honours degree in journalism, at the University of the Witwatersrand, to better his chances in life.
His honours supervisor recruited him for a job at CNBC Africa, the sister company to FORBES AFRICA, as an online journalist. Here, he met Chris Bishop, Managing Editor of FORBES AFRICA, and he says this changed his life.
“Bishop is one of the best people I have ever met. He has stayed a bit in Zimbabwe so when he heard I was Zimbabwean, we immediately connected… I asked if I could write for FORBES AFRICA and he said ‘yes’… I couldn’t believe it. A man like me who was abandoned by his mother and stayed on the streets being allowed to write for such a publication? Who would have ever thought? It was even beyond my wildest dreams.”
Working here opened doors for Matsilele, one of them— speaking at a conference at the University of Southern California in the United States in 2015.
Three years later, Matsilele walks upright, looks people in the eye and debates with conviction. He says working for this publication has helped him shake off his terrible feeling of being a nobody in a rural village who became a street kid in a foreign land.
Just over a decade after he slept under the stars in the rubbish tip, Matsilele is now studying classics in Vancouver, Canada, for the next three years.
A few months after leaving South Africa, Matsilele has been invited to give talks about his work for FORBES AFRICA.
“My presentations are based on my work at FORBES AFRICA and with Chris Bishop. It was like learning journalism from scratch even though I had written more than 300 stories. If there is anything FORBES AFRICA should be grateful for its having changed the life of a journalist,” he says.
Matsilele is living proof that hard work in Africa, sprinkled with a bit of FORBES AFRICA, can change your life.

‘It Was Beyond  My Wildest Dreams’

As chair of the African Union (AU) Commission, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma is based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, it would seem, far from the politics of her home country South Africa.
But it is now, in recent months, perhaps more than ever before, that her name is ricocheting in the corridors of power. Whilst political observers say she is coming to South Africa more often addressing high-profile meetings, the speculation is if she will be South Africa’s next president in 2017.
Will she be? If she does, it will make her South Africa’s first female president, which will be a political harbinger for the women’s movement.
We posed the question to the sexagenarian and anti-apartheid activist in June 2015 in Johannesburg, a day after the 25th Assembly of African Union Heads of State and Government around the theme ‘Women’s empowerment and development towards Agenda 2063’.
“That is not dependent on me,” Dlamini-Zuma had replied with a gentle laugh.
“At the moment, I am working at the AU, and that’s where my efforts should be. Who becomes the president of South Africa is a decision of whichever party wins, it will be the decision of the ruling party. And I have to do my best where I am. If you work for it, maybe it will happen. It is the decision of South Africans, but not my decision.”
A medical doctor, Dlamini-Zuma had been minister of health during Nelson Mandela’s presidency, foreign minister in the Thabo Mbeki government, and home affairs minister in the Jacob Zuma government before becoming the first woman to take on the top job at the AU in 2012.
Dlamini-Zuma’s mandate for now is clear – a united and strong Africa.
The greater financial inclusion of women on the continent, especially in agribusiness, is a subject close to her heart.
“The women on this continent are very unique in many ways. They really are the drivers of communities, of families, they are the curators of our culture, they really are the backbone of our social security as they take care of the elderly and the sick. But they also just make sure the land is tilled, there is food on the table for the children. But we need to empower them to do a lot more.”
Binding a large, heterogeneous continent with similarities rather than differences is challenging, but Dlamini-Zuma stridently believes in the pan-African dream, and the power of the youth to shape Africa.
“What is common is that we are all driven by a pan-African approach, which looks at solidarity amongst Africans, unity amongst Africans, and so I try and use what is common, what can drive all of us to prosperity and peace. And also working around the issues of women, as they are common on the continent and across the globe, and working with youth, which is also a critical part of what we do.”
In September 2015, Dlamini-Zuma received the Gülen Peace Award from the Turquoise Harmony Institute. Previous winners include Graça Machel and Archbishop Desmond Tutu.
One of her achievements at the AU, she says, has been bringing together Agenda 2063, a development framework and vision for Africa.
“The second thing we have been able to achieve is to get the continent to realize it has to fund its own programs…We want to make sure we are at the forefront and the world should work with us, support us, invest in Africa, but we have to invest in Africa ourselves.”
The management of diversity on the continent is another key focus. And more women in politics, as positive role models, driving the agenda for change. Whether or not Dlamini-Zuma becomes South Africa’s next president, she is certainly only a step away from proving it is possible.

The Pan-African

Patricia de Lille has spent the vast majority of her almost four decade career in South African politics. The guiding principle of her working life has been to never use her position as a female leader to ask for special treatment.
De Lille famously exposed corruption related to the multibillion-rand arms deal in government in the year 2000, took part in the drafting of South Africa’s progressive constitution in the early 1990s and currently serves as mayor of the country’s second largest city – Cape Town.
“Women are their own worst enemies. I don’t believe in this quota stuff and asking for special dispensations just because of your gender. In politics you have to learn to play by the rules, then you assume power and once you are in, you start changing the rules,” she says. De Lille was born in Beaufort West, a small town located approximately an hour’s drive from Cape Town. Dreams of studying law were shelved after a teenage De Lille fell pregnant and she entered the workforce at a paint factory located outside her hometown. The trade union movement underway on the factory floor became an outlet of political expression and de Lille worked her way up from being a shop steward to becoming the regional secretary of the South African Chemical Workers Union.
“During this time, I embarked on a program to get more women leaders within our trade union, starting out from the shop steward position. I wanted to find out why women don’t put themselves up for elections. Everyone knows men vote for men but what I realized is that the women vote for the men as well…The first thing I had to make women realize is that we don’t need to ask for permission to take on leadership positions.”
De Lille moved on from the trade unions to join the Pan Africanist Movement in 1989 before heading up the group responsible for the constitutional negotiations ahead of South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994. She went on to join Parliament in various portfolios before founding the Independent Democratic Party in 2003 (which later merged with the Democratic Alliance in 2010).
“I set myself the target of becoming the first woman to establish a political party, contest the elections and win seats in Parliament. I did that and I hope I have opened the road for other women in the future,” she says.
De Lille’s current role of leading development in the City of Cape Town comes with challenges largely as a result of the apartheid era’s spatial planning where suburbs populated by black people were built far from the business hubs of the city – resulting in a long and expensive commute for their residents.
Cape Town’s population has expanded by 30% in the past 10 years and current data estimates residents will grow by 100,000 each year for the foreseeable future.
The swell of populace coupled with divisive city planning is placing considerable strain on existing infrastructure and this will be one of De Lille’s major tasks as she moves into her fifth year of mayoral office.
Further challenges include breaking down the common misconception that Cape Town is all about style and little substance.
“We are not just a tourist destination. We are open for business and we want the world to invest here with us,” she says.
On her leadership style, De Lille says that a career in politics is dependent on the ability to empathize, and humility – admittedly both female-biased characteristics although De Lille refuses to play the gender game when it comes to her value system.
“I have always looked up to principles and values which resonate with me. They are completely gender neutral.”
De Lille is fiercely nationalistic but also admits that the South Africa has lost its way through the 20-year transition period from the post-apartheid regime to the democratic state.
“I hope we get the leadership we deserve,” she says.
De Lille lives with her husband and children, who she credits for giving her the support she needed to pursue her political career.
“I remember someone asking my little boy many years ago whether he minded the fact that his mommy is away from home so much. He said he didn’t mind sharing his mom with the country.”
Her spare time is minimal but any weekends she has off are spent on the golf course with family and friends, as well as listening to jazz and R&amp;B music.

Nelson Mandela Commemorative Concert

‘Women Are Their Own Worst Enemies’

The economic and political transformation of a country directly correlates with the education level of its demographics. With national priorities like health care, infrastructure, housing etc, it’s impossible for countries to manage supporting the entire value chain of education, from primary to secondary to vocational and tertiary. Add infrastructure and skills-development to the need for integrated research-based learning synonymous with quality education and what you have is a glaring resource gap.
This dilemma is consistent across most countries in the world, particularly those with low GDP per capita. Rather than concerted efforts, governments have spread themselves thin trying to do everything with limited resources. This has unfortunately resulted in mismanagement, no accountability, corruption and disillusionment. The intangible destruction of long-term wealth creation is in excess of the annual financial allocation as there is a widening gap between skills needed and the output from the efforts.
A growing question therefore is: where does a government allocate its resources and how does it integrate private sector investments? The answer is complex and not a one-size-fits-all solution.
During my travels in Africa over the last ten years, I have interacted with heads of state, ministers of education, regulators, and educational faculty. The maze of bureaucracy, legislation and processes created using historic models of education is shocking. It’s small wonder no one is willing to grab the bull by its horns and bring changes to help Africa leapfrog into the future rather than dwell in the past.
I will reflect on the tertiary sector. Looking at Africa, South Africa excluded, one sees a lack of good quality universities. It’s no surprise to see some 400,000 students going abroad for post-secondary programs annually, with nearly 300,000 originating from sub-Saharan Africa. With continuing growth of populations, economic output, and school and post-secondary enrolment rates, it’s expected one in five outbound mobile students will originate from Africa within the next 20 years.
It’s evident the business models of universities globally factor international students as a revenue source. These students pay higher fees. The irony is poor African countries are in many ways subsidizing the education of students of developed countries. The most unfortunate impact of this dichotomy is less than half the students return to the continent to add any value to the country that not only paid for their education but also subsidized their peers and for their pains, suffer a
brain drain.
Let’s put this in the context of the future. United Nations’ world population projections see it increasing to 9.6 billion by 2050, up by 2.4 billion from the current population. More than 50% of this growth will come from Africa (source: The Size of it, The Economist; June 18, 2013). Africa’s population will increase from about 10% of the world’s population to over 20% by 2050. It will undoubtedly have the youngest population on the planet and if transformation in the education sector is not made on a war-footing, the outcome is going to be catastrophic.
To cater to the population and given the overflow in current institutions, there is need to establish between 450 to 500 colleges and universities in Africa over the next 10 years. This growth needs investments in billions of dollars that governments clearly do not have. Firstly, legislation needs to be amended for foreign universities to establish on the continent. This is just one step to build capacity.
There are multifold advantages of bringing quality education brands to the continent. Firstly, these institutions are highly-ranked and bring with them best practices, systems, faculty, research capacity and world-class curriculum. The model should entail that the quality of academic delivery and entry requirements on the African campus should be the same as the home campus. It should allow students to transfer freely between various campuses for a global experience. The accreditations of these institutions should be based on degrees being offered by the home campus.
Secondly, there will be a slowdown of students going abroad focused mainly towards specialized training and not routine undergraduate or post-graduate courses. This will help retain skills in the region and conserve the foreign exchange drain. Thirdly, over time, the African branches of foreign universities will attract global students. Given the lower costs, excellent weather and natural beauty of Africa, there is no reason why education cannot become part of the continent’s export ecosystem. This will become increasingly important as universities in developed countries find it difficult to invest in new facilities owing to costs.
Another step governments must institute immediately is an offset program. All large defence, infrastructure, energy, mining and other contracts given to international or local companies should require a contribution towards setting up an international university in the country either through direct investment or through a centralized education fund. Similarly, all students sent to foreign universities through state funding must require the beneficiary university to offer some of their programs.
The other vital need is innovation. Education is no longer going to be about land and building. Consumption patterns of education are changing and with technology and broadband infrastructure development will emerge the opportunity for African states to bring about the latest delivery platforms. Changes from innovations are already being implemented by well-established universities in developed countries. Partnerships with them will help shorten the learning curve.
These illustrations demonstrate the need for the education ecosystem in Africa to be catalyzed. This can only happen through proactive steps for dynamic reforms from our leaders.
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&#8211; Rakesh Wahi is Vice-Chairman and
Co-founder of ABN Group.

Tag: Politics

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