It’s been two decades since South Africa became a democratic republic and the issue of gender equality in the workplace continues to surface. We have our Constitution as the supreme law of our land – that is widely acknowledged as one of the most progressive in the world. Enshrined in Section 8 of the Constitution is the right to equality. This provision prescribes that no one can be discriminated against on grounds of race, sex, religion and sexual orientation. However, there is an unfair disparity between the salaries of females and males in South Africa.
According to statistics published by the South African Revenue Services (SARS) in 2013, the average taxable income for females was around R193,908 ($14,543) per annum, while males earned an average of R254,347 ($19,076) per annum. This effectively means that the average female earns around a third less than males. There are, however, a number of plausible reasons: firstly the job market that succeeded the Industrial Revolution was primarily designed for men, men were, and still are to a degree, seen as the providers and women as caregivers.
However, this has progressively changed over the past few decades with gender equality groups, in recent years vehemently stating their dissatisfaction for the slow rate of transformation for women in the workplace. Interestingly, South Africa has funnelled out more female graduates than males in recent times and the pay at which both parties start is often based on the educational level, skills and experience. Thus, on the surface, it appears as though males and females start on a similar pay grade.
Nonetheless, what would be interesting to investigate is why the gap widens over the years. Are males offered better opportunities for career advancement than women purely based on the fact that they are men? Or perhaps are employers wary of the disruption pregnancy might have on labor supply? If the Constitution states that we are all equal, why should the latter even be questioned? After all, women do not get pregnant by themselves. Some sociologists believe that the proverbial ‘work/life’ balance for women may be an illusion, citing that females might have to concede a thriving career for a more family-orientated lifestyle.
A recent survey that was conducted in numerous university campuses across South Africa states that most female graduates’ biggest concern is how they will take care of their families amid ambitions of conquering the corporate world.
Some may wonder why the conversations surrounding the disparity of income between males and females are pertinent. In a South African context it is simply unavoidable: the country’s social structure tells us that more houses are headed by women than men. Thus females earning potential not only impacts their immediate spending potential on the people they care for but could possibly have an adverse impact their ability to take care of themselves in their pension years.
The call from gender equality organizations for the eradication of income disparities between men and women has never been more boisterous. This call includes getting more female participation in management and senior executive positions within organizations. Ironically, the private sector can learn from the government. Our government has taken the lead and should be commended for employing women as cabinet ministers, premiers, MECs, mayors and directors and CEOs in state organizations.
Diversity can be a significant competitive advantage for organizations that implement it correctly. Women are the backbone of our society and the role they play in our family structures is indispensable. Despite the prejudices women have overcome in the ‘free world’, there are biases that are firmly rooted in the workplace and should be addressed. Going forward, our labor legislative framework should consider shared paternity and maternity leave in order to minimize the biases that women encounter for falling pregnant – what I would call the ‘career penalty’. Conversations around the disparity in income of men and women is a decent start, but whether anything will be done about this remains to be seen.

Are Women Really As Equal As Men?

Finally, Nigeria’s ministerial list is out. The four-month-long search for the country’s “impeccable characters” with outstanding records of achievements in business, politics and society came to a quiet end at the end of September.
Senate President Bukola Saraki read out the names of President Muhammadu Buhari’s 21 nominees, the first batch of nominations, for the Senate’s consideration, on October 6.
Constitutionally, the president could end up making more than 2,000 appointments over the next four years of his administration, all things being equal. Every decision, every appointment a Nigerian president makes is subjected to constitutional, political, religious and ethnic scrutiny.
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After a year-long season of political campaigns and elections that left the economy largely unattended to by the Goodluck Jonathan administration, Buhari’s decision not to appoint cabinet ministers in the early days of his administration was a hugely unpopular move.
Nigerians therefore realized very early on that this was going to be a new kind of president.
“Nigeria must first put new rules of conduct and good governance in place,” Buhari told Nigeria’s Guardian newspaper in July.
“Integrity and experience will be central to President Buhari’s actions and decisions,” Babatunde Kwame Ogala, a lawyer and chieftain of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party told FORBES AFRICA. “Beyond the need for a few political compromises here and there, you can see that the president is not someone that can be tele-guided by anyone or any interest group. He’s got a totally independent mindset.”
By delaying and downplaying appointments, the Nigerian leader was not only consolidating his hold on power, he was clearly hoping to replace the profligate culture of the past with a new political ethos. Previous presidents had used these appointments to settle political IOUs, compensating cronies, party chieftains and political sponsors. Consequently, the onerous task of nation building wasn’t always left in the hands of the most capable citizens.
This time around, the Abuja rumor mill was abuzz right after Buhari’s inauguration in May with tales of ministerial nominees failing the president’s integrity test. A glimpse of the first batch of ministerial nominees for Team Buhari reveals what political scientists always said about politics – a game of constantly shifting interests and horse trading.
On the Nigerian leader’s ministerial list were five former state governors, namely, Rotimi Amaechi, Babatunde Fashola, Chris Ngige, Kayode Fayemi and Ogbonnaya Onu; a former national chairman of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); former state commissioners; seasoned technocrats and the current head of the national oil company. The president didn’t assign portfolios to his list.
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Also on Buhari’s list is Chief Audu Ogbeh, 68, chairman of the PDP between 2001 and 2005. Appointed Minister of Communications in 1982, and later Minister of Steel Development, his term of office was truncated by Buhari’s military coup in 1983.
Another nominee, Emmanuel Kachikwu, was in August appointed group managing director of state oil company, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). He is a former executive vice-chairman of ExxonMobil Africa. Within 24 hours of his appointment, Kachikwu received the president’s permission to sack all the divisional heads of the NNPC. His place in Buhari’s economic management team is assured.
Oil exports account for 70% of government revenue. With oil prices dropping below $50 and likely to drop even further when Iran resumes supplies, continuous adjustments in budget benchmarks look certain. The Central Bank has announced a temporary ban on local transactions in dollars. Devalued first in November 2014, and again in February 2015, the Nigerian currency, the naira, still remains under immense pressure as the World Bank continues to counsel for more devaluation. An import dependent economy, a weaker naira will certainly make life more expensive for Nigerians. Analysts say Nigeria is likely to record its poorest fiscal performance in decades this year.
Other folks on Buhari’s list are: Lai Mohammed, a lawyer, businessman and stalwart of the APC; Udoma Udo Udoma, a lawyer, two-term senator between 1999 and 2007 and chairman of several entities, including UAC of Nigeria, Union Bank of Nigeria, Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC); Amina J. Mohammed, the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Adviser on Post-2015 Development Planning; Kemi Adeosun, a former Commissioner for Finance in Ogun State, western Nigeria; Abubakar Malami; Abdurahman Bello Dambazzau; Aisha Jumai Al Hassan;  Adebayo Shittu;  Solomon Dalong; Dr. Osagie  Ehaneri; Suleiman Adamu; Ahmed Musa Bello; Ibrahim Usman Jubrin and Senator Hadi Serika.
Was the wait for this list worth it? Will this group of ministers, when and if eventually confirmed by the Nigerian Senate, bring a new kind of thinking to the Buhari administration?
Expectedly, the opposition party, the PDP has lampooned the list, saying the president’s proposed cabinet were “a bunch of failed politicians and loyalists who lacked integrity to move the country forward”.
Only time will tell.
<h3>The Faces Of Business</h3>
Babatunde Fashola: The former Govenor of Lagos State did a remarkable job in transforming Lagos over the past eight years. During his tenure, Fashola, a lawyer, boosted infrastructure and made Lagos safer. Based on his track record, Fashola could head the Ministry of Works or the Federal Capital Territory.
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Rotimi Amaechi: The former Govenor of Rivers State was instrumental in getting Port Harcourt back on track during the Niger Delta crisis by securing the city, attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and developing infrastructure. While in Rivers State, he made education a priority. The Ministry of Education could be a good fit.
Kayode Fayemi: The former Governor of Ekiti State is considered an expert in policy formulation and will be seen as a great asset regarding policy direction and implementation. Fayemi, who has a doctorate in war studies, has also been seen next to Buhari in recent diplomatic visits. He may be chosen for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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Amina Mohammed: She led the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) office in Nigeria. The UN later appointed her in a development capacity role. The Ministry of Health may suit her.
Kemi Adeosun: The former Ogun State Commissioner of Finance made a significant contribution to the development of the region over the past four years. With her background as a banker, she could get a financial position in the next cabinet.
Emmanuel Kachikwu: He was just appointed the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. There is speculation that he will be named as a junior minister for petroleum resources, since Buhari made it clear he will manage the oil and gas sector himself.
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A President’s  Search For Political Saints

The issue of term limits for presidents in Africa is a hot one fanned by unrest in Burundi.
South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma recently condemned leaders who tamper with their constitutions to stay in power. His comments could have been directed to Burundi’s Pierre Nkurunziza who lent on the Supreme Court to alter the constitution to extend his stay to three terms. Nkurunziza argues that the first term negotiated by a peace process doesn’t count.
“This business of us agreeing to serve two terms, only to realize 10 years is too short, is a problem,” Zuma is reported to have said in the aftermath of civil unrest in Burundi.
Constitutional law lecturer at Kent University in Britain, Alex Magaisa, says too many political elites violate their constitutions to stay in office.
“This is a dangerous trend in a number of African countries and we have just seen how this can lead to chaos and instability with the failed military coup in Burundi. This is why in Burundi’s neighbor, Rwanda, is of some concern over rumours that President [Paul] Kagame’s stay in office may be extended beyond the term limits. He has probably done a great job for Rwanda, but extending his stay in office will send a very bad message,” he says.
“The notion that a leader is indispensable is an indication of poor leadership because a leader must be able to nurture talent and promote potential successors.”
The Hong Kong-based political analyst, Obert Hodzi, says most of the African leaders wanting to rule for life usually prosper in countries with weak institutions.
“The reason is that all those countries, which include Uganda, Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon and Angola, are characterized by extractive political and economic institutions that only benefit the political elite and disenfranchise the majority of the countries’ citizens. For the leaders of those countries and their patronage networks to continue enriching themselves, they will need to monopolize political power and stay for as long as they possibly can,” he says.
The presidents of Chad, Gabon, Guinea, Namibia, Togo, Uganda and Algeria managed to change their constitutions to prolong their stay. Other countries’ presidents, such as Zambia’s Frederick Chiluba, Malawi’s Bakili Muluzi and Nigeria’s Olusegun Obasanjo, tried to change constitutions but failed to bend the people’s will. Zimbabwe did not have term limits until 2013; while Comoros, Algeria and Uganda remain without.
As the African Union (AU) met in South Africa, Ghana’s vice president, Kwesi Amissah-Arthur, urged the AU to debate term limits as it could be a solution to Africa’s life-time presidents. This could be tricky, especially when the chairperson of the continental body, Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe, has been at the helm of his country for 35 years. In 2018, he is expected to seek a fresh mandate in Zimbabwe. If he wins, he will be 99 years old when his term expires and Zimbabwe’s leader for 43 years.
Life-time leaders threaten democracy. But leaders of troubled countries, like Rwanda, argue for them. Word is Kagame may seek a third term.
“It is irrational to change exemplary leadership [Paul Kagame] and more so in our context even in the name of constitutionalism,” Rwanda’s former finance minister, Manasseh Nshuti, is reported to have said.
The country’s opposition disagrees. The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda has filed a lawsuit demanding the Supreme Court block any move by parliament to change the constitution to allow Kagame a third term.
“The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda demands the Supreme Court&#8230; to order the Rwandan parliament not to change Article 101 of the constitution,” the party said in a statement.
In neighboring Burundi, around 40 people have died, 100,000 citizens fled to Tanzania, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, over the issue of a term too far. Those fleeing violence are living at the Kagunga, Lake Tanganyika Stadium and Nyarugusu camps in Tanzania.
Burundians protesting against Nkurunziza’s bid for a third term are not alone. Late last year, Burkina Faso saw street protests that pushed out former leader Blaise Compaoré, who wanted to stay in power beyond the elections he won in 1991, 1998, 2005, and 2010.
But what about elections?
Yolande Bouka, a researcher in the conflict prevention and risk analysis division at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Nairobi, told CNBC Africa that many governments in Africa create an environment where it becomes near impossible to hold free and fair elections.
“Having elections doesn’t mean that you have a democracy, and that is the impression that has been created. There needs to be more attention paid to the reasons for leaders changing the constitution,” says Bouka.
As the warring parties seem to drift further apart with each passing day in Burundi, many are looking to the AU for leadership to gently remind the continent’s presidents that their time is up.

How Long Mr President?

Burundi has been rocked by gunfire, protests and an attempted coup. At least 20 people are feared dead and hundreds of thousands are on the run since the skirmishes began in April.
Protests in East Africa’s smallest country began in the capital Bujumbura on April 25 after President Pierre Nkurunziza announced he was seeking a third term in office, despite a two-term limit in the constitution.
<div id="attachment_3692" style="width: 310px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-3692" class="size-medium wp-image-3692" src="/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/000_Par8171782-300x200.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="200" />QUALITY REPEAT A Burundian police officer holding a baton and army forces run after protestors throwing stones during a demonstration against incumbent president Pierre Nkurunziza&#8217;s bid for a third term on May 13, 2015 in Bujumbura. In the neighborhood of Musaga, hundreds of people waved sticks and threw stones as police responded with tear gas, a water cannon and live rounds. Protestors looted the local police post in Musaga, burning furniture, mattresses and clothing in a barricade fire, an AFP photographer said. Burundi&#8217;s presidency said an attempted coup by a top general had &#8220;failed&#8221; on May 13, 2015 and pro-president Burundi troops at state broadcaster fire warning shots over the heads of hundreds of protesters, an AFP reporter said. Burundian general Godefroid Niyombare on May 13 announced the overthrow of President Pierre Nkurunziza, following weeks of violent protests against the president&#8217;s bid to stand for a third term. AFP PHOTO / JENNIFER HUXTA</div>
Protestors immediately barricaded roads and set tyres alight. Since then, there have been daily riots in the capital.
The air is full of tension as army and police officials patrol the streets.
A group, led by Godefroid Niyombare, even attempted to overthrow the government while Nkurunziza was in Tanzania for talks with regional leaders on the crisis in his country. Despite initially claiming success, the coup failed, and many of its leaders were arrested. Niyombare remains on the run.
On May 5, the Constitutional Court said that Nkurunziza is eligible for a third term in office after four judges fled the country fearing for their safety. The court stated Nkurunziza’s first term does not count because he was appointed by parliament, not the citizens of Burundi.
Nkurunziza took office 10 years ago after the end of a 12-year civil war. Following a peace agreement in 2005 in Arusha, Tanzania, it was decided that no president will run for more than two terms.
International governments have expressed concern over the court’s decision.
“The eyes of the world are on Burundi. The steps necessary for a peaceful and prosperous democratic future for Burundi should be taken now,” Britain said in a statement.
“Reports of intimidation against members of the Constitutional Court do not give the impression of an independent court that was able to come to an impartial decision.”
“We are deeply concerned about President Nkurunziza’s decision, which flies directly in the face of the constitution of his country,” US Secretary of State, John Kerry, said during a visit to Kenya.
Many fear that civil war will return.
The country has been plagued with tension since it gained independence from Belgium in 1962. The civil war, fought between the country’s Hutu majority and Tutsi minority, began in 1993 and resulted in the death of around 300,000 people.
<div id="attachment_3693" style="width: 221px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-3693" class="size-medium wp-image-3693" src="/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/000_Par8173679-211x300.jpg" alt="" width="211" height="300" />Burundi&#8217;s President Pierre Nkurunziza talks to the media at the President&#8217;s office in Bujumbura on May 17, 2015 as he made his first official appearance since an attempted coup against him this week. Nkurunziza has been facing weeks of violent and deadly street protests over his controversial bid to stand for a third consecutive term on office, and on Wednesday top generals announced they were overthrowing him while he was on a visit to neighbouring Tanzania. AFP PHOTO / CARL DE SOUZA</div>
With the presidential elections slated for June 26, Nkurunziza continues to defy international pressure to withdraw from the elections. Furthermore, the president has rejected calls to delay the elections, saying that it “would worsen the current situation”.
So far, Belgium has suspended the $2.2 million it had pledged for Burundi’s elections and the Netherlands says it is reviewing its commitment to the country.
The current government remains hopeful that peaceful and fair elections will still be held.
Since the protests began, more than 100,000 Burundians have fled to neighboring countries Rwanda, Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Many fear the ruling party’s youth wing militia ‘Imbonerakure’, according to the UN refugee agency.
The European Commission has disbursed $1.7 million to support and protect Burundian refugees in neighboring countries.
“Such sudden and massive displacement is a humanitarian tragedy and a serious challenge to neighboring countries’ capacities to accommodate refugees. It is a serious concern in an already fragile region,” EU Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid and Crisis Management, Christos Stylianides, said.
Burundi’s economy has grown by more than 4% annually since 2012 despite several constraints.
Last year, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned that the country’s medium term economic outlook remains bleak with risks arising from political uncertainties ahead of the general elections and ‘vulnerability to external shocks given Burundi’s narrow export base’.
According to Venuste Karambazi, an independent analyst based in Rwanda, Nkurunziza’s decision to run for office will put a damper on the struggling economy.
“Burundi is a poor country, so when there are riots, like the case now, these contribute to weakening the economy more and more. The capital is paralyzed, trade is paralyzed and other social activities come to a stop. This is a danger to the economy which is already weak. If the situation continues, we risk having a Burundian economy that is destroyed,” Karambazi said.

Genocide Looms Over  The Streets Of Flames

It is 16 years since Nigeria drew back from the abyss in the former colonial town of Kaduna. In February 1999, 5,000 Christians took to the streets in an anti-Sharia march to protest the introduction of the strict Islamic penal code. Their contention was that Nigeria’s constitution did not allow federation, or state, to adopt any religion.
The march sparked a deadly confrontation between Christians and Muslims. Three days of street fighting left at least 2,000 dead. President Olusegun Obasanjo dispatched troops as conflict threatened to spread. He managed to head off more fighting, but the rumpus around Sharia law did not go away.
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Obasanjo tried to persuade northern governors to hold off on Sharia law; days before, Kano in the north west, signed a Sharia bill. Weeks later, Zamfara State amputated the right hand of Buba Jangebe after a Sharia court convicted him of stealing a cow. Four northern states: Sokoto, Zamfara, Kebbi and Kano have adopted Sharia law since 1999 and Obasanjo’s negotiations.
Many northern politicians felt marginalized by the new republic under Obasanjo. They complained of a southern and Christian bias and latched onto the rigors of Sharia law to boost waning support.
Fast forward to 2015, as the six-year Boko Haram insurgency rages. Boko Haram has condemned northern governors who have adopted Sharia law. The militants believe the brand of Sharia law practiced in the country is not true Islam and have vowed to wage war until the entire country falls under their brand of Sharia. In this struggle, Boko Haram has captured around 20 small towns along Nigeria’s border with Chad and Cameroon. Militants have also taken larger towns like Mubi in the north eastern state of Adamawa.
Boko Haram renamed Mubi ‘Madinatul Islam’ or the City of Islam. Tens of thousands fled as the invaders hoisted their flag in the deserted emir’s palace and warned that ‘true’ Sharia law was now in force. A market thief was convicted by a Sharia court and his hand amputated to make the point.
Seventeen-year-old Aisha Ibrahim recalls the day Boko Haram rolled into town in with armored cars, trucks and motorcycles. She was still in school when the town reverberated to the sound of gunfire. She ran home to find her parents had fled, leaving her grandmother behind. In the fraught weeks that followed, she says, her best friend, Umma, was forced into marriage with one of the militants. She feared the same fate and fled to Yola in the hope of finding her parents and four siblings. Her father has not been found. She is now back in Mubi after the Nigerian army took back the second-largest commercial center in Adamawa State, after Yola.
Mubi is also the largest cattle trading center in Nigeria. The cattle rearing northerners use the Mubi cattle market as an important trading post to sell to traders from as far as Lagos.
These days the southern businessmen fear the trip north and the insurgency appears to be killing the meat trade, which has yet to recover from a recent truck drivers’ strike.
On the other side of the city, Pastor Titi Adewumi, leader of one of the many churches that dot the landscape of the Adamawa State capital, says residents are depressed by all the security checks. All movement between 12AM and 5AM is prohibited as part of a state of emergency. Interestingly, worshippers are searched before they enter their local mosque or church. But while Yola residents complain, they know things could be worse; Boko Haram, at the time of writing, were engaged in a fight to the death for the control of the Borno State capital, Maiduguri, where a total ban on all movement has been imposed.
In Mubi, there is hope. Retired Colonel, Taboyi Elam Dong, says the recapture of Mubi shows that the Nigerian military is winning the war against Boko Haram. Other towns recaptured include Gwoza in Borno State and Potiskum in Yobe State.
Most people here feel the government is not doing enough as hell lurks around the corner.

The People For Whom  Hell Lurks  Around The Corner

It is 16 years since Nigeria drew back from the abyss in the former colonial town of Kaduna. In February 1999, 5,000 Christians took to the streets in an anti-Sharia march to protest the introduction of the strict Islamic penal code. Their contention was that Nigeria’s constitution did not allow federation, or state, to adopt any religion.
The march sparked a deadly confrontation between Christians and Muslims. Three days of street fighting left at least 2,000 dead. President Olusegun Obasanjo dispatched troops to restore order as conflict threatened to spread. He managed to head off conflict, but the rumpus around Sharia law did not go away.
Obasanjo tried to persuade northern governors to hold off on Sharia law; days before, Kano in the north west, signed a Sharia bill. Weeks later, Zamfara State amputated the right hand of Buba Jangebe after a Sharia court convicted him of stealing a cow. Four northern states: Sokoto, Zamfara, Kebbi and Kano have adopted Sharia law since 1999.
Many northern politicians felt marginalized by the new republic under Obasanjo. They complained of a southern and Christian bias and latched onto the rigors of Sharia law to boost waning support. It was seen by the rest of the country as a political compromise.
Fast forward to 2015, as the six-year Boko Haram insurgency continues to rage. Boko Haram has condemned northern governors who have adopted Sharia law. The militants believe the brand of Sharia law practiced in the country is not true Islam and have vowed to wage war until the entire country falls under their brand of Sharia. In this struggle, Boko Haram has captured around 20 small towns along Nigeria’s border with Chad and Cameroon. Militants have also taken larger towns like Mubi in the north eastern state of Adamawa.
Boko Haram renamed Mubi ‘Madinatul Islam’ or the City of Islam. Tens of thousands fled as the invaders hoisted their flag in the deserted emir’s palace and warned that ‘true’ Sharia law was now in force. A market thief was convicted by a Sharia court and his hand amputated to make the point.
Seventeen-year-old Aisha Ibrahim recalls the day Boko Haram rolled into town in with armored cars, trucks and motorcycles. She was still in school when the town was rocked by the sound of gunfire. She ran home to find her parents had fled, leaving her grandmother behind. In the fraught weeks that followed, she says, her best friend, Umma, was forced into a marriage with one of the militants. She feared the same fate and fled to Yola in the hope of finding her parents and four siblings. Her father has not been found, his whereabouts unknown. She is now back in Mubi after the Nigerian army took back the second-largest commercial center in Adamawa State after Yola.
Mubi is also the largest cattle trading center in Nigeria. The cattle rearing northerners use the Mubi cattle market as an important trade post to sell livestock to traders from as far as Lagos.
These days the southern businessmen fear to travel north and the insurgency appears to be killing the meat trade, which has yet to recover from a recent truck drivers’ strike.
On the other side of the city, Pastor Titi Adewumi, leader of one of the many churches that dot the landscape of the Adamawa State capital, says residents are depressed by all the security checks. All movement between 12AM and 5AM is prohibited as part of a state of emergency. Interestingly, worshippers are searched before they enter their local mosque or church. But while Yola residents complain about the quality of life, they know things could be worse; Boko Haram at the time of writing were engaged in a fight to the death for the control of the Borno State capital, Maiduguri, where a total ban on all movement has been imposed.
In Mubi, there is hope. Retired Colonel, Taboyi Elam Dong, says the recapture of Mubi shows that the Nigerian military is winning the war against Boko Haram. Other towns recaptured include Gwoza in Borno State and Potiskum in Yobe State.
Most people here feel the government is not doing enough as hell lurks around the corner.

Tag: Constitution

FORBES AFRICA SOCIAL MEDIA

Are Women Really As Equal As Men?

A President’s Search For Political Saints

How Long Mr President?

Genocide Looms Over The Streets Of Flames

The People For Whom Hell Lurks Around The Corner

The People For Whom Hell Lurks Around The Corner